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Though Dino Compagni calls his work a Chronicle, 
it is not (like Giovanni Villani's, for example) a 
Chronicle in the sense in which the term is now 
used to express a particular kind of narration dis- 
tinguished from a history ; the terms " chronicle " 
and "history" being in Dino's time interchange- 
able. Dino's book is in form the history of a 
particular fact, namely, the division of the Guelf 
party in Florence into the White and the Black 
Guelfs, with its attendant circumstances, its causes, 
and its results : but under this form is unfolded at 
the same time the history of the steps by which 
the wealthy traders of Florence (jfropolani, popolani 
grassi, and collectively popolo grasso) organised in 
the greater guilds (see Appendix II.) acquired and 
retained the control of the machinery of govern- 
ment in the city and its outlying territory (contado), 
excluding (practically) from all participation therein 
on the one hand the Magnates (i.e. the old feudal 
nobility, and other persons more recently ennobled 
by knighthood or by marriage), and on the other 
hand the smaller traders and the populace (popolo 

The first book, starting (after a brief preface 
and two introductory chapters) with the peace of 

v A 


Cardinal Latino in 1280, describes the causes 
which led to the schism in the Guelr party, its 
outbreak, and the initial triumph of the White 
Guelfs (1301). 

The second book describes the overthrow of the 
government of the Whites by the Blacks, with the 
assistance of Pope Boniface VIII. and Charles of 
Valois (autumn of 1301), the expulsion of the 
Whites from Florence, and their first attempts 
to return by force of arms (1302, 1303): the 
conclusion of this stage of the narrative being 
marked by the death of Boniface VIII. (11th 
Oct. 1303). 

The third book describes the fruitless attempts 
of the new Pope, Benedict XL, to make peace 
between the two parties (1303, 1304), the last 
struggles and ultimate dispersion of the White 
exiles (1 304-1 307), the attempt of Corso Donati 
and the Magnates to wrest the government out of 
the hands of the Popolani, the election to the 
imperial throne of Henry of Luxemburg, and his 
progress through Italy down to his coronation at 
Rome (June 29, 131 2) ; concluding with a solemn 
denunciation of the punishment which (as the 
historian believed and confidently hoped) Henry 
would inflict on the wicked citizens of Florence, 
for their rebellion against his supreme authority. 
At the head of every chapter is given a Summary 
of its contents. For an account of Dino Compagni, 
and the literary history of the Chronicle, see Ap- 
pendix I., and for a Summary of the principal 
features of the Florentine constitution after 1282, 
see Appendix II. 

Most of the passages from G. Villani's Chronicle 


that are referred to in the notes will be found in 
Selfe and Wicksteed's " Selections from the first 
Nine Books of the Croniche Florentine of G. 
Villani," published by Constable. Translations 
of all the works of Dante referred to in the notes 
have been published in the Temple Classics. 
Where quotations from Dante's works are fol- 
lowed by the letter n, it is to be understood that 
the notes in the Temple Classics Edition are re- 
ferred to. Professor Villari's " The Two First 
Centuries of Florentine History" (published by 
Fisher Unwin) is cited as '* Villari/' It is a 
translation from the original Italian. Del Lungo's 
work, " Dino Compagni e la sua Cronica," is 
cited simply as "Del Lungo." (See Translators' 
Note below, p. 272.) 




The subject of the work and the author's motive 
in writing it. 

The remembrance of the ancient histories has long 
stirred my mind to write of the events, fraught 
with danger and ill-fitted to bring prosperity (i), 
which the noble city, the daughter of Rome (2), 
has for many years undergone, and especially at 
the time of the Jubilee of the year 1300. How- 
ever, for many years I excused myself from 
writing on the ground of my own incompetence, 
and in the belief that another would write : but at 
last, the perils having so multiplied, and the out- 
look ( 3 ) having become so significant that silence 
might no longer be kept concerning them, I de- 
termined to write for the advantage of those who 
shall inherit the prosperous years (4), to the end 
that they may acknowledge that their benefits are 


from God, who rules and governs throughout all 

i. I.e. the division of the Guelf party in Florence into 
the Whites and Blacks. 

2. Cf. Dante, Conv. I. 3, 22. 

3. The "perils" and " significant outlook " refer to the 
threatened overthrow of the supremacy of the Black Guelfs 
at Florence by the Emperor Henry VII. {cf. Preliminary 

4. I.e. the prosperous years that may be expected to 
follow the pacification of Italy by the Emperor, which 
Dino, writing during the course of the Emperor's expedi- 
tion into Italy, hoped and confidently expected would be 
brought to pass. 



The author's method of writing. Description of 

When I began, I purposed writing the truth con- 
cerning those things of which I was certain, through 
having seen and heard them, because they were things 
noteworthy, which in their beginnings no one saw 
so clearly as I ; and those things I did not clearly 
see, I purposed writing according to hearsay, But 
since many, because of their corrupt wills, err in 
their speech, and corrupt the truth, I purposed 
to write according to the most authentic report. 
And in order that strangers may be the better able 
to understand the things that happened, I will de- 
scribe the fashion of the noble city which is in the 
province of Tuscany and under the protection of 
the sign of Mars ( i ). It is enriched by a copious 
imperial river (2) of sweet water, which divides 
it almost in half. The climate is equable, and the 
city is sheltered from hurtful winds ; its territory is 
scanty in extent, but abounds in good produce. The 
citizens are valiant in arms, proud, and quarrelsome. 
The city is enriched by unlawful gains (3), and, on 
account of its power, is distrusted and ieared, rather 



than loved, by the neighbouring towns. Pisa is 40 
miles (4) distant from Florence, Lucca 40 miles, 
Pistoja 20 miles, Bologna 58 miles, Arezzo 40 
miles, Siena 30 miles, San Miniato 20 miles towards 
Pisa, Prato 10 miles towards Pistoja, Monte Ac- 
cenico 22 miles towards Bologna, Fighine 16 miles 
towards Arezzo, Poggibonsi 16 miles towards Siena. 
As to all the aforesaid towns, with many other for- 
tresses and villages — and in all the directions afore- 
said, there are many nobles — counts and captains (5) 
— who love rather to see the city in discord than in 
peace, and who obey her more from fear than love. 
The said city of Florence is very well populated, 
and the good air promotes generation. The citizens 
are very courteous, and the women very handsome 
and well attired. The large houses are very beauti- 
ful, and better supplied with comforts and conveni- 
ences than those in the other cities of Italy. On 
this account many people come from distant lands 
to visit the city, not from necessity, but by reason 
of her flourishing industries, and for the sake of her 
beauty and adornment. 

1. See Inferno, xiii. 143-150 n. 

2. The Arno is called an "imperial" river, as being a 
main stream and not a mere tributary. 

3. The "unlawful gains" here spoken of correspond to 
the " sudden gains" reprobated by Dante, Inferno, xvi. 73. 

4. The Tuscan mile was equal to about 1800 yards. 

5. The "counts" stand for the feudal nobles, who held 
their fiefs immediately of the Empire ; the " captains," for 
the vassals of the "counts." The aim of Florence and the 
other city-states of Italy was to bring the feudal nobility of 
the surrounding districts under the city government. Cf. 
III. 34, n. 5. 



Traditional account of the introduction of the 
names of Guelf and Ghibelline into Florence 


Let her citizens, then, weep for themselves and 
their children, since by their arrogance, v/ickedness, 
and struggles for office they have undone so noble 
a city, have outraged the laws, and in a short time 
have bartered away the privileges which their fore- 
fathers won by much labour through long years ; 
and let them await the justice of God, which by 
many tokens is threatening to bring evil upon them, 
as upon guilty persons who were free to avoid the 
possibility of its overwhelming them (1). 

After much hurt had been received in ancient 
times through the quarrels of the citizens, there 
arose in the said city one quarrel which caused such 
division among them that the two parties gave, one 
to the other, the two new hostile names of Guelfs 
and Ghibellines (2). And the cause of this, in 
Florence, was as follows : A young citizen of noble 
birth, named Buondelmonte de' Buondelmonti, had 
promised to marry a daughter of Messer ( 3 ) Oderigo 
GiantrufFetti. One day afterwards, as he was passing 
the houses of the Donati, a lady, by name Madonna 
Aldruda, wife of M. Forteguerra Donati, who had 
two very beautiful daughters, saw him from the 
balcony of her palace as he was passing, called him, 
and showed him one of her daughters. Then she 
said to him, " Whom hast thou promised to marry ? 
I was keeping this my daughter for thee. ,, When 


Buondelmonte looked at the girl, she pleased him 
well ; but he answered, " I cannot do otherwise 
now." But the lady Aldruda said, " Yes, thou 
canst, since I will pay the penalty for thee ; " and 
Buondelmonte answered, " Then I will have her." 
So he was affianced to her, forsaking the other to 
whom he had plighted his troth. Wherefore M. 
Oderigo complained of this to his kinsmen and 
friends, and they determined to be revenged, and 
to beat Buondelmonte and do him shame. But 
when the Uberti, a very noble and powerful family, 
kinsmen of M. Oderigo, heard this, they said they 
wished Buondelmonte to be killed, "for" (said 
they) "the hatred caused by his being killed will 
be no greater than that caused by his being wounded; 
a thing done cannot be undone" (4). So they 
arranged to slay him on the day he should bring 
home his bride ; and so they did. There was 
therefore a division amongst the citizens on account 
of this murder, and the friends and kinsmen of each 
party banded themselves so closely together, that the 
division was never healed, whence arose many dis- 
sensions, murders, and lights between the citizens. 
But since it is not my intention to write of things 
long past, because sometimes the truth about them 
cannot be ascertained, I will leave them alone. But 
I have begun thus in order to open the way to under- 
stand the origin in Florence of the accursed parties 
of the Guelfs and Ghibellines. 

And now we will return to the events of our 
own time. 

1. In this paragraph Dino alludes to the misgovernment 
of the Black Guelfs, with special reference to their intrigues 
with Boniface VIII. and Charles of Vaiois (see below, II. 


zff.) ; and the " evil" which he predicts will fall on them is 
their subjugation by the Emperor Henry VII. (See Preface, 

*• 3- ) 

2. " New," that is, as to Florence. " The names ' Guelfo,' 
' Ghibellino,' are Italianised forms of the German names 
Welf and Weiblingen. Of these the former was the name 
of an illustrious family, several members of which had suc- 
cessively been Dukes of Bavaria in the tenth and eleventh 
centuries. . . . Weiblingen was the name of a castle in 
Franconia, whence Conrad the Salic (Emperor, 1024-1039) 
came, the progenitor, through the female line of the Swabian 
Emperors. . . . The accession of Conrad III. of Swabia 
(Emperor, 1138-1152) to the imperial throne, and the re- 
bellion of Henry the Proud, the Welf Duke of Bavaria, gave 
rise to a bloody struggle between the two houses ; and at 
the battle of Weinsberg (1140) the names Welf and Weib- 
lingen were for the first time adopted as war-cries " (Toynbee, 
"Dante Diet. ," s.v. Ghibellini), and subsequently Italian- 
ised as above. In Italy the Guelfs were (nominally) the 
supporters of the Pope, as protector of the rights of the 
Italian city-states. The Ghibellines were (nominally) the 
supporters of the Emperor, as protector of the feudal nobility. 
But this distinction had but little bearing on practical politics. 
' ' Guelfs and Ghibellines are local parties which fight for 
local reasons, independent of the struggle between papacy 
and empire. To liberty, independence, Italian unity, the 
rights of Pope or Emperor, they do not even give a thought. 
The 07ily aim that preoccupies them is the control of the 
commonwealth, from which they alternately try to exchide 
one another. They call themselves Guelfs or Ghibellines, 
according as they hope to be helped in their policy by the 
Pope or by the Emperor " (Salvemini, Magnati e Popolani 
in Fireiize, p. 2). 

3. Messer or Messere (abbreviated as M.) was a title 
regularly prefixed to the names of knights and doctors of 
law. It was also given to cardinals and princes. 

4. Mosca was the name of the man who gave this advice. 
(See Inferno, xxviii. 106-108; Par. xvi. 136^) 



A summary account of the peace between the 
Guelfs and Ghibellines effected by the media- 
tion of Cardinal Latino, 1279-1280. 

In the year of the Incarnation of Christ 1280, 
the Guelf party bearing rule in Florence, and the 
Ghibellines having been driven out, there issued 
from a small source a great stream, namely, from a 
small discord amongst the Guelf party a great 
concord with the Ghibelline party (1). For, 
inasmuch as the Guelfs were suspicious of one 
another, and angry words were passing in their 
assemblies and councils, the more prudent began 
to fear what might come of this, and already to 
see signs of what they dreaded (2). (For to- 
gether with other nobles a certain noble citizen, a 
knight called M. Buonaccorso degli Adimari, a 
Guelf, powerful on account of his connections and 
rich in estates, had increased in arrogance, and, 
heedless of his party's blame, had married his son 
— a knight named M. Forese — to a daughter of the 
Ghibelline leader, Count Guido Novello of the 
house of the Counts Guidi.) For this cause the 
Guelfs, after holding many councils of the party, 
decided to make peace with the exiled Ghibellines ; 
and they wisely agreed to come to terms with them 
under the yoke of the Church, in order that the 
bonds of the agreement might be maintained by the 
Church's power. They secretly contrived also 
that the Pope should act as mediator in their dis- 
cord ; and at their request he sent M. the Friar 


Latino, a Cardinal (3), to Florence to exhort both 
parties to peace. When the Cardinal had arrived, 
he asked each party to appoint delegates who should 
refer the matter to his award ; and this they did. 
And by virtue of this reference he decreed that the 
Ghibellines should return to Florence under many 
conditions, and in a certain manner, and he assigned 
to them the offices outside the city ; while for the 
government of the city itself he appointed fourteen 
citizens (4), namely, eight Guelfs and six Ghibel- 
lines ; and he settled many other matters, imposing 
fines on both parties [jn case of the award being 
contravened^ , and binding them to give account to 
the Church of Rome. And these laws, stipulations 
and promises he caused to be written among the 
municipal laws of the city. He gave sentence that 
the powerful and proud family of the Uberti, with 
others of their party, should remain under bounds 
(5) for a while, and should enjoy their possessions 
like the rest in the places where their families might 
be (6) ; furthermore, that to those who should be 
suffering the burden of being set under bounds the 
Commonwealth should give a certain sum of money 
a day, as compensation for their exile ; but less 
to those who were not knights than to those who 

1. Dino follows the Florentine calendar, in which the 
year began on Lady-day. Therefore he makes his starting 
point subsequent to all the events related in this chapter ; 
for the "great peace" was concluded on Jan. 13, 1280, 
which, of course, fell in the year 1279 according to Dino's 
computation. Throughout these notes dates are given 
according to the ordinary calendar. 

2. In this sentence and in the two following Dino glances 
at the period from 1267 to 1280, during the whole of which 
the Ghibellines had been in exile, their downfall dating from 


the defeat and death of Manfred at the battle of Benevento 
(1266), which made Charles of Anjou master of Naples and 
Sicily, and proved an irreparable disaster to the Ghibelline 
cause at Florence (see Villani, vii. 13-15). The dissensions 
in the Guelf party belong to the time immediately preceding 
the autumn of 1279 (see Villani, vii. 56) ; but the marriage 
of Forese degli Adimari to the daughter of Count Guido 
Novello took place in 1267, and was one of a series of 
matrimonial alliances between Guelf and Ghibelline houses 
arranged in the early days of the Guelf supremacy. The 
project however failed, owing to the opposition of the popular 
element in the Guelf party to the alliance of their nobles 
with the Ghibellines, and its only result was to bring about 
the expulsion of the Ghibellines (see Villani, vii. 15), and to 
foster dissension between the aristocratic and the popular 
members of the Guelf party, as Dino intimates. Finally, 
Dino returns to the closing months of 1279. 

The "assemblies" and "councils" alluded to are not 
those of the Commonwealth, but those of the Guelf party 
in the narrower sense of the word, viz. an organisation set 
up originally to administer the property confiscated from 
the Ghibellines in 1267 and following years (see Villani, vii. 
17 ; Villari, p. 230). Throughout the period covered by 
Dino's narrative this organisation remained under the control 
of the Magnates. 

3. " Messer the Friar Latino" was Latino Malabranca, 
Bishop of Ostia and Velletri, son of the sister of the reigning 
Pope, Nicholas III. (Orsini). He had entered the Dominican 
order after taking the degree of doctor in canon law at 
Paris. He died in 1294. 

4. The fourteen citizens were styled Buonuomini (good 

5. I.e. they were banished with fixed limits of residence 

6. I.e. their confiscated estates were restored to them, and 
they were at liberty to enjoy the income from them at their 
place of exile, just as those who were allowed to return 
enjoyed it at home. 



The violation of the settlement of 1280 by the Guelf 
nobility, and the consequent institution of the 
office of Priors of the Trade-Guilds, or "Arts," 
in 1282. 

While both parties were in the city together 
enjoying the benefits of the peace, the more power- 
ful among the Guelfs began to infringe its terms 
from day to day. First they deprived the exiles 
of their pay, then they set about electing the officials 
without observing the regulations of the peace : 
they proclaimed the exiles rebels ( 1 ) ; and their 
arrogance rose to such a height that they entirely 
deprived the Ghibellines of public office and of 
their private rights. Hence the dissension between 
them increased. Wherefore certain men, thinking of 
what might come of this, went to some of the leaders 
of the people ( 2 ) and begged them to remedy this 
evil, that the State might not be brought to ruin. 
For this cause certain men of the people, approving 
the words that had been spoken, called together six 
of the popolani, among whom I, Dino Compagni, 
was one. Owing to my youth I was not aware of 
the serious import of the measures [^proposed]], but 
only of my singleness of purpose and of the cause 
of the city's becoming unsettled. I spoke on this 
subject ; and we succeeded so well in persuading 
the citizens, that three of them were elected Heads 
of the Guilds to help the merchants and craftsmen 
in case of need (3). These were Bartolo di (4) 
M. Jacopo de' Bardi, Salvi del Chiaro Girolami, and 


Rosso Bacherelli ; and they met in the church of 
S. Procolo. The boldness of the popola7ii was so 
much increased when they saw that the three officers 
of their appointing were not opposed ; and the out- 
spoken language of the citizens who talked of their 
liberty and of the wrongs they had suffered, so 
stirred up the three that they were emboldened to 
make ordinances and laws which it would be hard 
to evade. Other great things they did not achieve, 
but, considering their small beginning, what they did 
was much. 

This office was created for two months, begin- 
ning on the 15th of June 1282 ; and at the end 
of the term six citizens were appointed, one for 
each sestiero (5), for two months, which began on 
the 15th of August 1282. They were called 
Priors of the Guilds, and they lived shut up in the 
Torre della Castagna (6), close to the Badia, so 
that they might not fear the menaces of the nobles. 
They might carry arms at all times, and other 
privileges were granted them ; and they were given 
six servants and six Serjeants. 

1. This was in effect a sentence of outlawry such as 
would have been incurred by the exiles in case of their 
transgressing their limits of residence. See I. 3, n. 5 ; 
I. 23 (at the beginning). 

2. By the "people" Dino here (and usually elsewhere) 
means the traders of the greater guilds (see Appendix II.), 
also known as popola?ii, popolani grassi, and collectively 
as popolo grasso. 

3. The Priors, now first appointed as Heads of the 
Guilds in general, presently became the supreme autho- 
rity in the state. See Appendix II. ; cf. Villani's account 
(vii. 79). The fourteen Buo?iuomi?ii (I. 3, n. 4) continued 
to hold office together with the newly created Priors, but 
without effective power, and at last disappeared. 


4. The preposition di (of) in proper names means 
" son of." 

5. Florence was divided into six districts called Sesti or 
Sestieri, viz. Oltrarno \i.e. that part of the city on the left 
bank of the Arno), S. Pancrazio, S. Piero Scheraggio, Borgo, 
Porta del Duomo, and Por ( = Porta) S. Piero. Each sesto 
had, in civil actions, its own court and judge of first instance, 
with an appeal to the Judge of Appeals (always a foreign 
doctor of law) ; and in the event of the decision of the court 
of the sesto being reversed, a further appeal to the court 
of the Podesta (see Appendix II.). 

6. This tower is still standing in the Piazza di S. Mar- 
tino. The Abbey (Badia) of Florence belonged to the 
Benedictines, and was founded in the tenth century by the 
Countess Willa, mother of Hugh, Margrave of Tuscany 
(see II. 12, //. 2). 


The beginning of the Priors' administration is 
marked by judicial corruption and financial 
malversation in the interest of the Guelf nobi- 
lity and their connections among the Popolani. 

The laws imposed on the Priors were in effect to 
safeguard the property of the Commonwealth, to 
provide that the judicial authorities should do right 
to every one, and to prevent the small and helpless 
from being oppressed by the great and powerful. 
And had the Priors acted on these principles it 
would have been of great benefit to the people. 
But soon there came a change, for the citizens who 
entered on this office sought not to observe the laws 
but to corrupt them. If a friend or kinsman of 
theirs incurred a penaltv, they connived with the 
magistrates ( 1 ) and officials to hide his guilt, so 
that he might go unpunished. Nor did they pro- 



tect the property of the Commonwealth, but sought 
means how best they might rob it, and so they 
drew much money from the treasury of the Com- 
monwealth on the pretext of rewarding the men 
who had served it. The helpless were not helped, 
but were oppressed by the nobles and by the wealthy 
traders who held office and were connected with the 
nobles by marriage : and many were shielded by 
bribery from the penalties due to the Commonwealth 
which they had incurred. Therefore the good 
citizens among the popolani were discontented, and 
blamed the Priors' office because the Guelf nobles 
controlled the government. 

i. Lit. " lordships " [signorie). By the " lordships " are 
meant the Podesta and the Captain (see Appendix II.). 


In this and the following four chapters Dino touches 
on the origin and progress of the war between 
Florence and Arezzo in 1288-1289, which, as its 
result was the strengthening of the Guelf party 
in Tuscany, has a bearing on the subsequent 
division of the party in Florence, the main 
subject of the work. 

At that time the government of Arezzo was shared 
equally by the Guelf and Ghibelline nobles, who 
had sworn a lasting peace with one another. 
Wherefore the people (1) rose and put at their 
head a citizen of Lucca, with the title of Prior. 
He led the people very prosperously, and com- 
pelled the nobles to obey the laws. But they 


conspired together and upset the popular govern- 
ment ; and seized the Prior and thrust him into 
a cistern ; and there he died. The Guelfs of 
Arezzo [had been] urged on by the Guelf party 
of Florence to try to seize the government, but 
whether because they knew not how to do it, or 
because they could not do it, the Ghibellines per- 
ceived their design and drove them out. They 
came to Florence to complain of their adversaries : 
those who had counselled them [to revolt] received 
them, and undertook to help them. But the 
Ghibellines, unmoved either by embassies or by 
threats from Florence, did not receive them back, 
but summoned (2) the Uberti, the Pazzi of Val- 
darno, the Ubertini, and the Bishop (who was one 
of the Pazzi) ( 3 ), a proud and ambitious man, who 
understood the business of war better than that of 
the Church. A dispute had previously arisen be- 
tween him and the Sienese on account of one of his 
fortresses (4) which they had taken from him, and 
the dispute had been referred for settlement to the 
Guelf party at Florence ; and as that party desired 
to aid the Sienese and the exiles from Arezzo by 
falling out with the Bishop, great discord was pro- 
duced between the Florentines and the Bishop with 
the Ghibellines. Hence ensued in 1289 the third 
war of the Florentines in Tuscany (5). 

1. By the people are to be understood the wealthier 
traders, as above, c. 4, where see note (2). The term popular 
government (popolo) just below is to be taken in a similarly 
limited sense. The trade of Arezzo was comparatively un- 
important ; the feudal nobility were still powerful, and hence 
the city was on the whole Ghibelline (see above, c. 2, n. 2). 

2. The word used [richiedere] implies a summons to send 


3. The Bishop of Arezzo, whose name was Guglielmino, 
belonged to the Ubertini family, though he was also con- 
nected with the Pazzi. 

4. The name of the fortress was Poggio S. Cecilia ; and 
the Bishop of Arezzo had caused it to rebel against the 
Sienese, to whom it belonged (see G. Villani, vii. no). 

5. Dino means, not that Florence had only had to wage 
war twice in Tuscany, for she had been engaged in many 
previous wars, but that Arezzo was the third of the chief 
cities in Tuscany (the other two being Pisa and Siena) 
against which war had been declared by the Commonwealth 
of Florence. The war with Arezzo began in the spring of 
1288 ; it was renewed and terminated by the campaign of 
1289. As Dino is more concerned to unfold its conse- 
quences than to describe it minutely, he passes over its 
earlier stages, for details of which see G. Villani, vii. 120, 
124, 127. 


Preparations for war on both sides, 1289. 

The powerful Florentine Guelfs had a great 
desire to attack Arezzo ; but to many others — 
popolani — this did not seem fitting, both because 
they considered the enterprise was not just, and 
because of the indignation they felt against them 
(the nobles) with regard to office (1). Never- 
theless they (2) hired a captain, called M. Valdo- 
vino of Soppino, with 400 horsemen ; but the Pope 
detained him, and therefore he did not come (3). 

The Aretines summoned many noble and power- 
ful Ghibellines from Romagna, from the March [of 
Ancona]] and from Orvieto ; they displayed great 
boldness in desiring battle, and prepared to defend 
their city and to seize the most advantageous posi- 
tions on the enemy's line of march. The Floren- 
tines summoned the Pistojans, the Lucchese, the 


Bolognese, the Sienese, the Sanminiatese (4), and 
Mainardo of Susinana (5), a famous captain, who 
had taken to wife one of the Tosinghi. At that 
time King Charles of Sicily came to Florence on 
his way to Rome (6), and was in honourable 
fashion presented with gifts by the Common- 
wealth, and entertained with races and tilting (7). 
The Guelfs requested him to grant them a cap- 
tain, together with his royal standard (8) ; and he 
[^accordingly ~] left them one of his barons and 
noblemen, M. Amerigo of Narbonne, who was 
young and very handsome, but inexperienced in 
deeds of arms. His tutor, however, an aged 
knight (9), remained with him, besides many other 
knights tried and expert in war, who had high pay 
and ample provision. 

1. It will be remembered that the Guelf nobles and their 
connections among the popolani had, as we should say, 
"captured" the machinery of the government, and were 
working the newly-established Priorate against the bulk of 
the popolani (I. 5). 

2. " They" stands for the Florentine Guelfs, both nobles 
and popola?ii — the Florentine government, in short. 

3. The Pope was Nicholas IV. (1288-1292). He had been 
Minister-General of the Franciscan order, and was a sup- 
porter of the Ghibellines (see Villani, vii. 119). This need 
cause no surprise, for the connection between the Papacy 
and the Guelfs was not an affair of principle, or even of 
sentiment, but sprang merely from the fact that their in- 
terests had happened to coincide. During the long struggle 
of the Emperor Frederick II. (1220-1250) to make himself 
master of Northern and Central Italy, it had been of vital 
importance to the development of the Guelf city-states to 
shake off the feudal yoke of the Emperor, and of equally 
vital importance to the Papacy that Frederick, already 
established in Naples and Sicily (the Norman kingdom he 
had inherited from his mother), should not likewise be pre- 
dominant in Northern and Central Italy. But in 1289 the 
situation was entirely changed. The kingdom of Naples 


had passed into the hands of Charles II. of Anjou (see note 6 
to this chapter), as the successor of his father, Charles I., 
who had conquered it from the descendants of Frederick II., 
the last of whom, Conradin, he had beheaded in 1268. 
Florence was now the most powerful state in Tuscany, a 
region which, since the famous bequest of the Countess 
Matilda, the Popes had (to say the least) considered to be 
within their sphere of influence : and Florence, which had 
been in the closest connection with Charles I., was about 
to welcome Charles II. within her walls. It is therefore 
easy to see why Pope Nicholas did not wish Florence to be 
too strong. Baldovino of Soppino (or Supino) was one of 
the barons of the Campagna of Rome, and therefore a 
subject of the Pope. 

4. The Sanminiatese were the people of S. Miniato al 
Tedesco, a fortress in the lower valley of the Arno be- 
tween Empoli and Pisa. It had been, during the reign of 
Frederick II., the residence of the imperial vicar in Tuscany. 

5. Mainardo , or Maghinardo Pagani of Susinana (a moun- 
tain fortress on the borders of Tuscany and Ro magna), was 
a great Ghibelline potentate, but aided the Commonwealth 
of Florence out of gratitude for their protection of him 
during his minority, he having been entrusted to their 
guardianship by his father. His valour earned him the 
nickname of the " devil." (See Purg. xiv. 118 ; Inf. xxvii. 
50; and G. Villani, vii. 149.) He died at Imola in 1302. 
The family of the Tosinghi, or della Tosa, here first men- 
tioned, will come prominently before us later. 

6. This was Charles II. of Anjou (known as " the lame "J, 
son of Charles I. by Beatrice of Provence. He was born in 
1243. At the time of his father's death (1285) he was a prisoner 
in Spain, having been defeated and captured in an action 
with the fleet of Peter III. of Aragon in 1284 (see Purg. xx. 
79), when on his way from Provence to help his father to 
recover Sicily, which had revolted in consequence of the 
" Sicilian Vespers" in 1282. In 1288 he was released from 
captivity through the intervention of Edward I. of Eng- 
land, and was now going to his coronation, which took 
place at Rieti, at the hands of the Pope, on June 19. He 
styled himself King of Sicily and Apulia (i.e. the "Two 
Sicilies," over which his father had ruled), but the island had 
now passed under the rule of the House of Aragon. 

7. The word translated "races" is palio, which, strictly 
speaking, meant a piece of velvet or brocade given as a 
prize to the winner, and was then by extension used of the 
race itself. The word translated tilting (armeggerie) refers 


to a kind of trick-riding by young nobles in gay uniforms 
(armeggiatori), who were armed with lances, and tilted at 
a wooden image of a Saracen. 

8. After the return of the Guelfs to Florence in 1267 the 
lordship of the city was conferred on Charles I. of Anjou for 
ten years, and during this time they fought under his royal 
standard. Charles II. now confirmed this privilege, and the 
royal standard of the Angevins was ever afterwards used as 
the principal ensign of the army of the Commonwealth. 
(Villani, vii. 124.) 

9. The name of the " aged knight " was William of Dur-< 
fort. He was killed in the battle, as stated below (I. 10), 
and his tomb is still to be seen in the cloister of the church 
of the SS. Annunziata in Florence. (See Del Lungo, Dante 
nei tempi di Dante, pp. 135 ff.) 


The Bishop of Arezzo attempts to make his own 
terms with Florence, but his design is frustrated 
by the Aretines (1289). 

The Bishop of Arezzo, considering, like a wise 
man, what the consequences of the war might be 
to him, sought to bargain with the Florentines 
and to quit Arezzo with all his family, assigning to 
them his episcopal fortresses as pledges ( 1 ) ; and 
as compensation for the revenues and the feudal 
services of the vassals he wanted 3000 florins a 
year, to be guaranteed by M. Vieri de' Cerchi, a 
very wealthy citizen. But the Priors who were 
in office at the time — from the 15th of April to the 
15th of June, 1289 — were at great variance with 
one another. They were M. Ruggieri of Cuona, 
doctor of law (2) ; M. Jacopo of Certaldo, doctor 
of law ; Bernardo di M. Manfredi Adimari, 
Pagno Bordoni, Dino Compagni, the author of 
this Chronicle ; and Dino di Giovanni, surnamed 


Pecora. The cause of the disagreement was 
that some of them wanted to get the Bishop's 
fortresses, and especially Bibbiena, which was a 
fine fortress and strongly built, while others did 
not ; and they ( 3 ) were averse to the war, consider- 
ing the evil consequences which war involves. At 
length, however, they all consented to take over 
the fortresses, but not in order to dismantle them 
(4) ; and they agreed to empower Dino Compagni, 
because he was a good and wise man (5), to act 
in the matter as he might think fit. He sent for 
M. Durazzo, who had recently been knighted by 
the bishop (6), and charged him to make the best 
terms with the bishop that he could. In the 
meantime the Bishop of Arezzo had reflected that 
if he were to consent to the agreement he would be 
a traitor ; and therefore he assembled the chiefs of 
his party and urged them to come to terms with the 
Florentines, affirming that for his part he did not 
wish Bibbiena to be lost, but rather that it should 
be strengthened and defended: if they refused, he 
should come to terms with them himself. The 
Aretines, enraged at his words, for all their scheme 
was frustrated (7), determined to have him slain ; 
but Guglielmo de' Pazzi, a kinsman of the bishop, 
who was present at the council, said that he would 
have been well satisfied if they had done it without 
his knowledge, but as he had been asked to do it, 
he would not consent, for he would not be a 
murderer of his own blood. They then decided 
to take Bibbiena themselves, and, like desperate 
men, prepared to do so without further deliberation. 

1. He proposed to make over the lordship and re- 
venues of the fortresses to the Florentines for a stated 


time to be retained by them as a pledge that he would not 
make war against them ; and he further proposed to leave 
Arezzo with all his kindred, and thus deprive that city and 
the Ghibelline party of a considerable part of their strength 
(cf. G. Villani, vii. 131). 

2. Giudice. "Judge" is not an apt rendering of this 
word, for there was nothing at Florence like our judicial 
bench, whose members are entirely separated from the 
rest of the profession. The giudici were doctors of law, 
and answered to our barristers. They might indeed hold 
judicial or quasi-judicial appointments, but only for brief 
and limited periods. The judges of the courts of the 
Sesti (see I. 4, n. 5) for instance were changed every six 
months. Similarly the giudici, who were employed as a 
kind of assessors in the Court of the Podesta and Captain, 
only held office during the six months' term of those 
magistrates (see Appendix II.). 

3. It was those who wanted to secure the fortresses who 
disapproved of the war, against the danger of which they 
conceived that the possession of the fortresses would be a 

4. There were, therefore, as Del Lungo points out, three 
alternatives advocated : (a) to get the fortresses and main- 
tain them as such ; (b) to get the fortresses and dismantle 
them ; (c) to refuse to deal with the bishop, and go on with 
the war. 

5. Buono e savio. These epithets must not be pushed 
too far ; they form part of the conventional phraseology of 
the time. "Good," for instance, is frequently used by 
Dino as pretty nearly equivalent to "of good standing or 
position," " substantial," or the like, with little or no refer- 
ence to morality (see III. 15, n. 10, and cf. I. 3, n. 4). 

6. M. Durazzo was the son of M. Guidalotto de' Vecchi- 
etti. Knighthood might be conferred (a) by knights ; (b) 
by kings, princes, or great barons, even though not knights 
(as in this case) ; (c) by Commonwealths and Republics, 
who appointed some knight to confer the honour on their 

7. It seems, says Del Lungo, that the Aretines would 
have allowed the fortresses in question to be taken by the 
Florentine army, perhaps with the idea of wearing them 
out by a succession of sieges, and so avoiding a pitched 
battle in which they would have been outnumbered. 



The Florentines decide to set out against the 
Aretines by way of the Casentino. Arrival 
of the allied troops at Florence. 

When their decision was known among the 
Florentines, the captains and those that had control 
of the war held a council in the church of S. 
Giovanni, to consider the best way to go, so that 
the army might be supplied with what was neces- 
sary. Some recommended the way by Valdarno, 
inasmuch as if they went by another, the Aretines 
might raid this district and burn the large houses of 
the Contado (i). Others recommended the way 
through the Casentino (2), saying it was a better 
route, and assigning many reasons for preferring it. 
A wise old man named Orlando of Chiusi, and 
Sasso of Murlo (3), who were great feudal lords, 
being anxious about their weak fortresses, gave as 
their advice that this way should be taken, fearing 
lest, if another were taken, these might be destroyed 
by the Aretines, for they were in their territory ; 
and M. Rinaldo de' Bostoli, one of the Aretine 
exiles, agreed with them. There were many 
speakers ; the secret ballot was taken ; the route by 
Casentino gained the majority, and notwithstanding 
it was the more doubtful and dangerous way, it 
turned out for the best. 

Having come to this decision the Florentines 
welcomed their allies, who were the Bolognese 
with 200 horsemen, the Lucchese with 200, the 
Pistojans with 200, over whom M. Corso Donatio 


a Florentine knight (4), was captain ; Mainardo of 
Susinana with 20 horsemen and 300 foot soldiers, 
M. Malpiglio Ciccioni with 25, and M. Barone 
Mangiadori of Sanminiato ; the Squarcialupi, the 
Colligiani (5) and others from fortresses in Valdelsa, 
so that the number was 1300 horsemen and a great 
many foot-soldiers. 

1. A considerable part of the Contado, or outlying terri- 
tory of Florence, lay in this direction. (See next note.) 

2. The Arno rises in Falterona, a peak in the Apennines 
{Purg. xiv. 17), at a latitude somewhat to the N. of that 
of Florence, and flows S.E. through the narrow valley of 
the Casentino to a point within a few miles of Arezzo, when 
it turns abruptly to the N.W. , flowing in this direction as 
far as Pontassieve, where the Sieve falls into it. This part 
of its course is what is referred to as Valdarno, and it is 
parallel to the Casentino, from which it is separated by the 
lofty range of Pratomagno. The choice of the Casentino 
route involved the crossing of the northern part of this 
range {cf. beginning of the next chapter). 

3. Chiusi was a village in the Casentino, not to be con- 
founded with the better known Chiusi in the Val di Chiana, 
midway between Florence and Rome. Murlowas a strong- 
hold some four miles from Arezzo. 

4. M. Corso Donati, later on one of the principal charac- 
ters in Dino's history, was at this time Podesta of Pistoja. 
The words "over whom" refer to the Bolognese and 
Lucchese as well as the Pistojans. 

5. I.e. the citizens of Colle di Valdelsa, which was about 
ten miles N.W. of Siena. 


Battle of Campaldino. The Florentines fail to 
take full advantage of their victory (1289). 

On the day appointed the Florentine army set out 
to invade the enemy's territory, and passed through 
Casentino along bad roads, where, if they had 


found the enemy, they would have received great 
hurt. But God did not permit this. And arriving 
near Bibbiena, at a place called Campaldino, where 
the enemy was, they halted there and set themselves 
in battle array. The captains of the war (i) placed 
the picked cavalry (2) in front of the main body, 
and those armed with large shields bearing the 
red lily on a white ground (3) were drawn up to 
support them. Then the Bishop, who was short- 
sighted, asked, " What walls are those ? " and 
received the answer, "The enemy's shields." 

M. Barone de' Mangiadori of Saminiato, a bold 
knight and experienced in deeds of arms, assembled 
the men-at-arms (4) and addressed them thus: 
" Sirs, the wars in Tuscany were wont to be won 
by attacking well, and they did not last long, and 
few men lost their lives in them, since it was not 
the custom to slay them. Now the manner is 
changed, and victory comes by standing steady. I 
therefore counsel you to stand firm and to leave the 
attack to them." This they prepared to do. The 
Aretines attacked the army so vigorously and with 
such force that the main body of the Florentines 
fell back some distance. The battle was very fierce 
and stubborn. New knights had been made on both 
sides. M. Corso Donati, with the troop of Pisto- 
jans, assailed the enemy's flank ; arrows fell like 
rain ; the Aretines had few of these, and were 
taken in flank, where they were uncovered (5). 
The sky was covered with clouds, and the dust 
was very great. The Aretine foot-soldiers crawled, 
knife in hand, under the bellies of the horses and 
disembowelled them ; and some of their picked 
cavalry rushed forward so eagerly, that many of 


both sides were slain in the midst of the [Floren- 
tine] main body. Many who hitherto had been 
esteemed for their prowess proved cowards that 
day, and many distinguished themselves of whom 
formerly no mention had been made. Great praise 
was won by the captain's tutor (6), who was slain 
there. M. Bindo del Baschiera Tosinghi was 
wounded, and therefore returned to Florence, but 
died within a few days. On the enemy's side 
there were slain the Bishop, and M. Guglielmo 
de' Pazzi, a bold knight, Buonconte (7), and Loccio 
of Montefeltri, and other brave men. Count 
Guido did not await the end, but departed without 
striking a blow. M. Vieri de' Cerchi, with one 
of his sons, a knight, at his side, acquitted himself 
right well. The Aretines were defeated, not owing 
to cowardice or want of valour, but by the over- 
whelming number of their enemies, who put them 
to flight, and slew them in the pursuit. The Floren- 
tine mercenaries, who were accustomed to carnage, 
massacred them, and the auxiliaries (8) had no pity. 

M. Talano Adimari and his followers hastened 
home (9). Many of the Florentine mounted citi- 
zens remained inactive (10) ; many knew nothing 
until the enemy were defeated. 

They did not rush to Arezzo in the full tide of 
victory ; for they expected to secure the place with 
little trouble. The Captain and the young knights, 
who were in need of rest, thought they had done 
enough by winning the battle, without pursuing the 
enemy (n). 

They captured many flags from the enemy and 
many prisoners ; and they slew many of them, 
which brought loss on all Tuscany. 


The said defeat was on the nth of June, S. 
Barnabas' Day, at a place called Campaldino, near 
Poppi (12). After the said victory, however, all 
the Guelfs did not return to Arezzo ; but some 
ventured to do so, and they were told that if they 
wished to remain there, they might do as they 
pleased. Peace was not made between the Floren- 
tines and the Aretines ; but the Florentines kept 
the fortresses they had taken, namely, Castiglione, 
Laterina, Civitella, Rondine., and several others ; 
and some of them they destroyed. A short time 
after, the Florentines sent back troops to Arezzo, 
and encamped against it ; and two of the Priors 
went there. And on S. John's Day they caused 
a race to be run there ; and they attacked the 
town, and burned what they found in the outlying 
territory. After that they went to Bibbiena, took 
the place and destroyed the walls. 

Those two (I mean the two Priors) were much 
blamed for having gone to join the army, because 
it was not their business, but that of nobles accus- 
tomed to war. After this the Florentines returned 
home, having gained little advantage, for the ex- 
pedition had involved heavy expenditure, together 
with personal hardships (13). 

1. " Captains of the war " was the title given to certain 
citizens who were appointed to superintend the conduct of 
the war, both at Florence, where some of them remained, 
and at the front, whither the others proceeded. The latter 
were under the orders of the "Captain-General of the 
War," or, as we should say, the Commander-in-Chief (in 
this case M. Amerigo of Nar bonne (above, c. 7)), and of 
the Podesta (see Appendix II.), in this case M. Ugolino 
Rossi of Parma. Failing them the "Captains of the War " 
would take their place. 


2. The ' ' picked cavalry " (fedilori, or feritori) consisted 
of nobles, and their duty was to begin the fight. On this 
occasion twenty new-made knights were among them. 
(See below, and Villani, vii. 131)- 

3. The shields (palvesi, or pavesi) were made of light 
wood or wickerwork covered with leather, and were large 
enough almost entirely to cover the bearer (palvesaro). 
The "red lily on a white ground" was the arms of the 
Commonwealth (see Par. xvi. 154; Villani, vi. 43), but the 
reference here is to the devices borne by the palvesari, 
some of whom bore the white lily on a red ground. (See 
Villani, vi. 40.) 

4. " Men-at-arms" was the name of a body of nobles on 
horseback. Dante, who in all probability was present at 
this battle, is believed to have served in this particular 

5. Through the misbehaviour of Guido Novello, of the 
Counts Guidi (see below in this chapter). 

6. See I. 7, n. 9. 

7. Son of the famous Ghibelline captain, Guido of Monte- 
feltro. (SeePurg. v. 88/:) 

8. / villani. Irregular troops from the towns and villages 
of Tuscany. (Cf. I. 21, n. 8.) 

9. I.e. to Florence in order to join the army; but the 
campaign was already over. In this sentence Dino means 
to indicate the extreme rapidity of the march of events. 
The Adimari were one of the chief Guelf families. 

10. Because they had not had time to get their horses 
ready. The phrase rendered "mounted citizens" means 
literally " citizens liable to the cavallata," i.e. bound to fur- 
nish one or more horses [cavalli) for the service of the state. 
Those liable to this service received a yearly salary which 
varied in amount. (See III. 2, n. 13.) 

11. The pursuit was apparently left to the mercenaries 
and irregular troops. 

12. The site of the battle is rather less than half-way 
down the Casentino. 

13. The statement that the Florentines "gained little 
advantage " applies to the operations subsequent to the 
battle of Campaldino. But in spite of the inefficient 
conduct of the siege of Arezzo (see Villani, vii. 132), the 
victory of Campaldino proved a deadly blow to the Ghibel- 
line cause, and, as we shall see, produced most important 
effects on the course of affairs in Florence. 



The nobles, elated by the part they had taken in 
the battle of Campaldino, commit outrages 
against the Popolani. The latter, under the 
leadership of Giano della Bella, enact the 
Ordinances of Justice (1293). Statement of 
the leading provisions of the Ordinances. 

After the return of the citizens to Florence, the 
Commonwealth maintained itself for some years in 
power and prosperity. But the nobles and magnates 
of the city waxed arrogant, and did many wrongs 
to the popolani by beating them and putting other 
insults upon them. Wherefore many worthy citi- 
zens among the popolani and merchants strengthened 
the popular government (1). Among these was a 
prominent and influential citizen named Giano della 
Bella, a wise, good, and worthy man, of high spirit 
and of good family, who resented the outrages com- 
mitted by the nobles. He having recently been 
chosen as one of the Priors, who entered on their 
office on February 15, 1292 (2), had constituted 
himself head and leader of the movement, and was 
supported by the popolani and by his colleagues. And 
the Priors added one to their number, to hold equal 
authority with the rest, whom they called Gon- 
falonier of Justice (he was Baldo RufFoli, for the 
Sesto of Porta di Duomo (3))? to whom was to be 
committed a standard with the arms of the people (4) 
— that is the red cross on a white ground — and a 
thousand foot-soldiers, all armed and bearing the 
said ensign or device, who were to be ready at 


every call of the said Gonfalonier in any open place 
in the city, or wherever need might require (5). 
And they made laws, which were called Ordinances 
of Justice, against those Magnates who should 
commit outrages against the popolani ; and it was 
enacted that one kinsman should be answerable 
for another (6), and that the crimes might be 
proved by public report, established by two wit- 
nesses (7). They decided, moreover, that all the 
members of any family which had had knights 
among its members should be accounted Mag- 
nates (8), and that such persons should be ineligible 
for the office of Prior, or Gonfalonier of Justice, 
or for their Colleges (9). These families were in 
all . . . in number (10). And they further decreed 
that the outgoing Priors, with certain men added to 
their number (11), should elect the new ones. And 
they bound the twenty-one Guilds to observe these 
laws, granting certain powers to the consuls of the 
Guilds (12). 

t. By " the popular government " is meant the system of 
government by the Priors of the Guilds instituted in 1282 
(see above, Chap. IV. ). 

2. 1293, New Style {cf. above, Chap. III. n. 1). Giano 
sprang from a noble Ghibelline family (see Par. xvi. 131, 
132 n.). It might be supposed from a perusal of this 
chapter that the whole of the legislation described in it 
dated from the Priorate of Giano. It is therefore important 
to bear in mind that the Ordinances of Justice, in their 
original form, had become law on January 18, 1293, before 
the Priorate of Giano ; that they were, as to some of their 
provisions, a re-enactment of previously existing laws (see 
below, notes 6, 8), and that one of the most important 
of the provisions singled out for notice by Dino was sub- 
sequent to Giano's priorate (see below, n. 9). Giano was, 
however, the leader of the movement which resulted in this 
legislation, and this may very probably be the reason why 
Dino groups it all under his priorate (cf. II. 25, ?i. 13). 



3. We have seen (I. 4) that one Prior was chosen from 
each Sesto. Similarly, the Gonfalonier was chosen from 
each Sesto in rotation, so that in every year each Sesto fur- 
nished one Gonfalonier. The Priors and Gonfalonier were 
henceforth collectively known as the Signory. The office of 
Gonfalonier was not an absolute novelty, two officers with 
similar functions having been instituted in 1289 (Salvemini, 
Magnati e Popolani, p. 157). These were now abolished. 

4. Not the arms of the Commonwealth (see I. 10, n. 3), 
but a device invented for this officer and his men, whose 
business it was to enforce obedience to the Ordinances. 

5. In April 1293 the force under the Gonfalonier's orders 
was raised to 2000 men, and there was added to it a com- 
pany of 200 workmen to carry out effectively the destruction 
of the property of magnates who had incurred this penalty. 
At the end of the same year the force was raised to 4000 

6. The first law compelling Magnates to give security 
against the commission of crimes was passed in March 
1281. This statute was amended and extended in October 
1286, when it was enacted that all males between the ages 
of fifteen and seventy of all families contained in a list 
appended to the statute, were made responsible for the good 
behaviour of themselves, their sons, and brothers, and be- 
came bound with their sureties in a penalty of 2000 lire to 
the fulfilment of a long series of promises [e.g. not to assault 
any person of the city or Contado of Florence or elsewhere). 
In case of a Magnate refusing to give the required security, 
his father or brother was to be compelled to do so. During 
the Priorate of Giano it was enacted, that if a Magnate liable 
to give security, as above, refused to do so, his father, or sons, 
or brothers by the same father, or uncles, or nephews, or 
father's father were to be compelled to do so. This is the 
enactment referred to by Dino, when he speaks of "one 
kinsman being made answerable for another " ; and its effect, 
so far, was (as Salvemini observes) only to extend by one 
degree in the ascending and descending lines, the liability 
to give security for a Magnate refusing to give it. But it 
was further enacted by the same law, that if a magnate 
refusing to give security committed a crime, the kinsmen 
who were made liable, and, failing them, their sureties, 
should pay the same fine as if they had committed the crime, 
and the criminal himself was outlawed ; and, if the punish- 
ment of the crime was death, the kinsmen (in the order 
above stated) were liable to a fine of 3000 lire. 

7. The requirement of proof by two witnesses only to 


establish public report, was enacted in reference to injuries to 
property by the Ordinances of January 18, 1293. In case of 
injuries to person, the number of witnesses required to prove 
public report was not stated, but by subsequent legislation 
was also fixed at two. By the revised Ordinances of 1295 
(see I. 18, n. 1), the number was raised to three, in case of 
injury to person. The evidence as to public report had to 
be supported by the oath of the injured party if living, or, 
if dead, by that of his nearest relatives. 

8. By the law compelling Magnates to give security, passed 
in 1286 (above, n. 6), or possibly by some other law passed 
before 1293, it was enacted that those families should be 
deemed Magnates' families among whose members there had 
been a knight within twenty years preceding the enactment. 
It appears that some Magnates' families, included in the list 
contained in that enactment, had succeeded in getting 
exempt from the necessity of giving security ; and in the 
Ordinances of January 18, 1293, the exemption was recog- 
nised, and the families in question were declared to be not 
Magnates, but popolani. But during the Priorate of Giano 
the exemption was disallowed, and knighthood within twenty 
years previously was reimposed as a test to determine what 
families were to be deemed Magnates' families ; and the de- 
finitive list of such families was compiled. From this time 
the term nobles or magnates acquired a statutory meaning, 
viz. any family which fell within the statutory definition of 
a Magnate's family. Under this enactment a certain number 
of popolano families became Magnates in the statutory sense 
of being subject to the penalties and disabilities imposed by 
the Ordinances. 

9. This enactment was subsequent to the Priorate of 
Giano, but its date is unknown. Under the Ordinances of 
January 18, 1293, Magnates had been excluded from the 
Councils of the Hundred Men, the Councils of the Captain, 
and the Capitudini of all the Guilds (see Appendix II.). 
The "colleges" here mentioned were bodies of citizens 
which shared in the deliberations of the Signory, especially 
(a) the Council of the Gonfalonier, a body of six popolani 
appointed by the incoming Signory ; (b) the Gonfaloniers of 
the Companies (see II. 22, n. 4). 

10. The number is left blank in most of the MSS. The 
number of Magnates' families was probably thirty-eight at 
the time of the passing of the Ordinances of January 18, 1293, 
and was probably raised to seventy-two in consequence of 
the enactment under the Priorate of Giano, referred to in n, 8 
(Salvemini, 200, 201). 


ii. Arroti (past participle of arrogere, to add). These 
comprised the consuls of the greater .Guilds (see Appendix 
II.), together with a number of popolani chosen by the retir- 
ing Signory (see II. 12). 

12. The Guild-consuls were empowered by the Ordi- 
nances, at the request of any member of a Guild who had 
been outraged by a Magnate, to go before the Priors or any 
other of the executive officers of the Commonwealth, and 
demand redress. 


The dominant Popolani, hounded on by Giano della 
Bella, exasperate the Magnates by their rigorous 
administration of the Ordinances (1293). 

The accursed lawyers began to cavil at these laws, 
which had been drafted by M. Donato di M. 
Alberto Ristori, M. Ubertino dello Strozza, and 
M. Baldo Aguglioni (1). They alleged that 
whereas it was ordained that crimes should be 
effectively punished, the punishment was extended 
so as to injure the enemies [of the aggrieved party] 
(2) ; that the laws were a cause of alarm to the 
Magistrates, so that if the injured person was a 
Ghibelline the judge became Ghibelline also, and 
that it was the same in the case of a Guelf (3) ; 
and that the men of the Magnates' families did not 
accuse their own kinsmen for fear of incurring the 
penalties. [But J there were few crimes hidden 
[by the Magnates] which were not discovered 
by their adversaries, and many such crimes were 
punished according to the law. The Galigai fur- 
nished the first example of this (4). For a man 
of that family committed an outrage in France 
against two sons of a well-known merchant, named 


Ugolino Benivieni, for they had had words to- 
gether, in consequence of which one of the brothers 
was wounded by that member of the Galigai family, 
so that he died. And I, Dino Compagni, being 
myself Gonfalonier of Justice in 1293, went to their 
houses and to those of their kinsmen, and caused 
the former to be pulled down according to the 
law. This beginning led to an evil custom under 
subsequent Gonfaloniers, because when under the 
law they demolished houses, the popolani said that 
they were cowardly if they did not carry out the 
business very thoroughly (5). Thus many [Gon- 
faloniers]] perverted justice through fear of the 
popolani. It happened [for instance]] that a son 
of M. Buondelmonte had committed a murder ; 
and his houses were destroyed in such circumstances 
that he was compensated for it afterwards. 

The arrogance of the evil men [among the 
popolani~\ increased greatly, because the Magnates 
were punished when they had incurred penalties ; 
for the Magistrates feared to violate the laws, which 
required them to punish effectually. This " effec- 
tual punishment " was carried to such a length that 
the Magistrates feared that if a man who had been 
accused remained unpunished, the Magistrate [in 
that case] would have no defence or excuse in the 
eye of the law ; for which cause no accused person 
remained unpunished. The Magnates therefore 
complained loudly of the laws, and said to those 
who carried them out, " If a horse is running along 
and hits a popolano in the face with its tail ; or if in 
a crowd one man gives another a blow in the chest 
without intending harm ; or if some children of 
tender age begin quarrelling, an accusation will be 


made. But ought men to have their houses and 
property destroyed for such trifles as these ? " 

The aforesaid Giano della Bella, a man intrepid 
and of high spirit, was so bold that he defended 
things which others abandoned, and spoke of things 
whereon others kept silence ; and he did his utmost 
in favour of justice against the guilty ; and so 
greatly was he dreaded by the Magistrates that 
they feared to conceal the crimes (6). The Mag- 
nates began to speak against him, accusing him in 
threatening terms of doing these things, not for the 
sake of justice, but to bring about his enemies' death, 
and abusing him and the laws ; and wherever they 
happened to be they threatened to cut in pieces 
the popolani who were in power. Certain therefore 
who heard them reported it to the popolani) who 
began to be exasperated, and in dread and indigna- 
tion increased the severity of the laws (7), so that 
every one lived in fear. The leaders of the popolani 
were the Magalotti, because these had always been 
their helpers ; and they had a great following and 
drew round them many families who were of the 
same way of thinking ; many amongst the smaller 
trades-people (8) also gathered round them. 

1. On M. Baldo Aguglioni (more properly d'Aguglione), 
(see I. 19 ; II. 23, n. 4), Dino here hints at an understanding 
(expressly stated by G. Villani, viii. 8) between the guild of 
the lawyers and the Magnates. This guild, consisting of 
professional men (see Villari, 312, 313) differed from all the 
others, which were composed of traders, and its members 
formed no small part of the intellectual aristocracy of the 
city. In political affairs they occupied an intermediate 
position between the Magnates and popolani, sometimes 
being found on one side, sometimes on the other (Salvemini, 
p. 73). Hence it is not surprising that the traders looked 
upon the lawyers with some ill-will, a feeling which Dino, a 


typical popolano, evidently shared, and which was streng- 
thened on this occasion by the circumstance that the popo- 
lani had been obliged to resort to these three lawyers to get 
their Ordinances drafted. 

2. I.e. even if they happened to be innocent of the crime 
for which the punishment was inflicted. The insinuation 
was that the provision for the personal responsibility of all 
the members of a family, in the case of an outrage by one 
of them, caused the administration of justice to become 
an engine for gratifying private spite against innocent 

3. The lawyers' insinuation here is, that the penalties 
imposed on the Magistrates [i.e. the Podesta and Captain, 
see Appendix II. ), in case of their neglecting to put the Ordi- 
nances in force, were so severe that in order to escape any 
imputation of remissness they acted recklessly and with 
partiality in condemning the Magnates. 

4. I.e. of a crime which the Magnates had attempted to 
hide, but which had been brought to light by their enemies 
the popolani. Dino here answers the last of the " cavils" 
by saying, " It may be true, as you say, that the Magnates 
tried to hide their crimes, but the crimes were, in fact, almost 
always brought to light." There is some uncertainty about 
the details of this particular case. 

5. I.e. in excess of their duty. Dino goes on to quote as 
an instance the case of a Buondelmonte, in which the houses 
of a family were destroyed as the punishment of a murder 
which for some reason or other did not come within the 
purview of the Ordinances. 

6. I.e. the crimes against which the Ordinances were 

7. See I. 11, n. 5. 

8. I.e. popolani belonging to the lesser guilds. 



The Magnates determine to upset the government 
of the Popolani. To this end they negotiate 
with Pope Boniface VI II., and with an 
Imperial emissary. Finding it impossible to 
murder Giano della Bella, they stir up enemies 
against him among the Popolani (1293-1294). 

The powerful citizens, who were not all noble by 
race, some being called Magnates accidentally ( 1 ), 
tried many means of subduing the popolani, on 
account of the hatred they bore them. They 
fetched from Champagne a bold French knight 
named M. Gian di Celona (whose power was 
more conspicuous than his good faith), on whom 
certain jurisdictions had been conferred by the 
Emperor (2). This man came into Tuscany, 
having made an agreement with the Florentine 
Magnates, and by the desire of the newly-elected 
Pope, Boniface VIII.; and he was furnished with 
charters and powers over any cities he might win 
(3). In order to upset the government of Flor- 
ence, such men as M. Vieri de' Cerchi and Nuto 
Marignolli set seal to this agreement (4), according 
to the statement of M. Piero Cane of Milan, the 
agent of the said M. Gian di Celona (5). They 
made many plans to slay the aforesaid Giano 
£della BellaJ, saying, " Smite the shepherd and 
the sheep shall be scattered." 

One day they plotted to get him murdered ; 
then they drew back through fear of the popolani ; 
then they cunningly found a means of compassing 


his death by subtle craftiness, saying : " He is just ; 
let us place before him the wicked deeds of the 
butchers, who are men full of mischief and evil- 
disposed. " Among these there was one great 
butcher, called Pecora, upheld by the Tosinghi 
(6), who carried on his trade by means both 
fraudulent and hurtful to the Republic (7). 
Proceedings were taken against him by his guild 
(8) because he fearlessly carried on his evil 
practices. He menaced the Magistrates and their 
officers, and with the support of a large number 
of armed men put himself forward to do evil 
(9). Those in the conspiracy against Giano, 
being engaged in the church of Ognissanti on an 
amendment of the laws (10), said to him, " Look 
at the deeds of the butchers, how they multiply 
their wrong-doing." And Giano replied, " May 
the city perish sooner than that this be suffered : " 
and endeavoured to frame laws against them. 
And in like manner they said of the lawyers : 
" See, the lawyers threaten to call the Magistrates 
to strict account (n) and draw unjust favours 
from them through fear, and keep causes undecided 
for three or four years ; and judgment is not given 
in any cause ; and when any one wishes to dis- 
continue his action or withdraw his defence he 
cannot do so ; to such an extent do they confuse 
the issues to be tried, and quibble as to liability to 
penalties, acting dishonourably." Giano, moved 
to righteous anger against them, would say, " Let 
laws be made which may be a check on such 
wrong-doing." Then, when they had thus stirred 
him up to justice (12), they secretly sent to the 
lawyers and to the butchers and the members of 


the other guilds, saying that Giano was maligning 
them and that he was proposing laws to be Framed 
against them. 

i. Lit. " by other accidents." A substance is that which 
exists on its own account. An accident exists only as an 
experience, quality or capacity of a substance. The persons 
in question were in substance popolani, but, in virtue of 
the quality of belonging to families which had had a knight 
among their members within twenty years past (see I. n, 
n. 8), they were Magnates *' accidentally." 

2. Gian di Celona is the Italianised form of Jean de 
Chalon. It seems more probable that he came from 
Chalon-sur-Saone in Burgundy than from Chalons-sur- 
Marne in Champagne. He had already been in relations 
with the Florentine government in 1284. The " Emperor" 
was Adolphus of Nassau, King of the Romans, elected in 
1292, but never crowned at Rome, and therefore not, 
strictly speaking, Emperor. His object in sending Jean 
de Chalon was of course to revive the drooping cause of 
Ghibellinism and enforce the Imperial rights in Tuscany 
(cf. III. 34, n. 5). The vague phrase " certain jurisdic- 
tions " is used because apparently Jean de Chalon was not 
formally appointed vicar in Tuscany by Adolphus. 

3. I.e. cause to submit to the Imperial authority. 
Boniface VIII. (Benedetto Gaetani) was elected Pope on 
December 24, 1294. His connivance with the Florentine 
Magnates and the Imperial emissary on this occasion was 
in accordance with the general line of Papal policy indicated 
above (I. 7, n. 3). 

4. Dino insinuates that it was a shameful thing for mem- 
bers of such well-known Guelf families as the Cerchi and 
Marignolli to be coquetting with the Ghibellines. The 
Magnates of Florence included the remains of the Ghibelline 
party there. 

5. This was a lawyer employed by Jean de Chalon to 
conduct the negotiation with the Florentine Magnates. 

6. These words are very significant, as they show that the 
Tosinghi, a family of Magnates, had come to an under- 
standing with one of the most influential popolani. It 
will be observed that the events of this latter part of the 
chapter are earlier in time than those of the former part. 

7. Because contrary to the laws. 

8. I.e. by the chief officials of the guild who had juris- 
diction in such a case. 


9. I.e. to join the Magnates in their attack on the 

10. The allusion is to the appointment of a committee 
(as we should say) of fourteen members chosen by the 
Signory and approved by the Council of the Hundred Men 
(see Appendix II.) for the purpose of introducing into the 
statutes defining the duties of the Magistrates, viz. the 
Podesta and the Captain of the People, certain alterations 
which the passing of" the Ordinances of Justice had rendered 
necessary. The committee was appointed on December 
9, 1294, and sat on into January 1295. Of the fourteen 
members five were among those ' ' in the conspiracy against 

11. They were, in any case, bound by law to give a strict 
account of their administration at the end of their term of 
office. The "conspirators against Giano" were therefore 
insinuating that the lawyers threatened to bring false 
accusations against the Magistrates as to their conduct in 
office. The committee were, according to custom, shut up 
during their deliberations in the monastery of Ognissanti 
(All Saints). The presence among the five ' ' conspirator " 
members of two lawyers, M. Baldo Aguglioni (see above, 
I. 12, n. 1) and M. Palmieri Altoviti, gives piquancy to the 
proceedings ; and with Dino Compagni himself (see next 
chapter) and Giano on the other side, the debates must 
have been lively enough. 

12. I.e. either stirred him up "to propose measures for 
doing justice on the butchers and lawyers," or simply, 
" stirred up his zeal for justice." 


Dino Compagni reveals to Giano della Bella the 
plot against him. Scene in the monastery of 
Ognissanti (January 1295). 

The plot against Giano was discovered one day 
when I, Dino, and some of them ( 1 ) were about 
to assemble in Ognissanti, and Giano was walking 
in the garden. Those in the conspiracy were con- 


certing a deceitful law (2) which all did not un- 
derstand, namely, that every city or fortress should 
be deemed hostile which harboured any one out- 
lawed as an enemy of the people ; and this they 
did because the conspiracy was made [by the Mag- 
nates J with false popolani to banish ( 3 ) Giano and 
bring him into hatred with the people (4). I got 
knowledge of the conspiracy, my suspicions having 
been aroused by the conspirators concerting the law 
without their colleagues. I revealed to Giano the 
plot formed against him, and showed him how [his 
foes] were making him out the enemy of the people 
and of the craftsmen (5), and that if he persisted 
in his proposed legislation (6), the people would 
turn round upon him : [so I advised him]] to drop 
his proposals and speak on the defensive against his 
adversaries. And so he did, saying : " May the 
city sooner perish than that so many wicked deeds 
be suffered ! " Then Giano knew who was betray- 
ing him, for the conspirators could be hidden no 
longer. Those who were innocent wished to exa- 
mine the facts prudently ; but Giano, more bold 
than prudent, threatened to have them (7) put to 
death. Therefore the making of the laws was not 
further proceeded with, and we separated in great 

The conspirators against Giano remained there 
(8). These were M. Palmieri di M. Ugo Altoviti, 
[and] M. Baldo Aguglioni, doctors of law, Alberto 
di M. Jacopo del Giudice, Noffo di Guido Bona- 
fedi, and Arriguccio di Lapo Arrighi. The notary 
secretaries were Ser Matteo Biliotti and Ser Pino 
of Signa (9). All the words which had been spoken 
were greatly exaggerated by repetition, so that all 


the conspirators hastened to kill [Giano J, for they 
feared his deeds more than him (10). 

1. I.e. some of the members of the committee (see pre- 
ceding chapter, n. 10). 

2. The committee were about to hold a meeting to pro- 
ceed with their work, and the ' ' conspirator " members were 
concerting beforehand the proposal they should make at the 
meeting, with;, the object of compassing the ruin of Giano. 
Their proposed enactment is called " deceitful," because its 
motive was not at the first glance apparent. 

3. Sbandeggiare, which strictly means to condemn, in a 
general sense, to any kind of penalty. The word is trans- 
lated " outlawed" just before. 

4. The term " people" here includes, in addition to the 
popolani, the lesser traders and the populace, of whom 
Giano had constituted himself the champion. Dino Pecora 
(see/preceding chapter), however, had also a certain follow- 
ing among the latter classes, and, as we have seen, was in 
confederacy with the Magnates. It should be borne in 
mind that the traders of the lesser guilds and the popu- 
lace depended to a considerable extent on the Magnates' 
custom for their prosperity, and were therefore to some 
extent under their influence. The fact that the Magnates, 
as well as the classes at the bottom of the social scale, were 
now alike excluded from participation in the government of 
the city, constituted a further bond of sympathy between 
them. The popolani, on the other hand, in whom all poli- 
tical power was now concentrated, carried on an immense 
trade with all Europe and the East [cf. Inf. xxvi. 1-3) ; 
while their interest in local trade was comparatively unim- 
portant, and the patronage of the Magnates a matter of 
indifference to them (see-Villari, 346, 469). 

5. The " people" here are the popolani — the craftsmen, 
the traders of the lesser guilds. 

6. I.e. the clauses he proposed to add to the statutes (see 
I. 13, n. 10) to check the abuses among the lawyers, the 
butchers, and others. 

7. The conspirators, probably. 

8. It is difficult to be sure how much Dino means to con- 
vey by this. His words seem to imply that the majority of 
the committee withdrew, and that thereupon the business 
was left incomplete. But it is known that the committee did 
in fact carry out the amendment of the statutes, and that 
as amended they came into force on February 1 in this year 


(1295), though after Giano had been driven from the city 
(below, I. 16) they were further modified. It seems best, 
therefore, to conclude that Dino is only referring here to a 
temporary interruption of the labours of the committee. 

9. Ser, derived (ultimately) from Latin senior ; was pre- 
fixed to the names of priests and notaries. 

10. " The laws advocated by Giano would, if passed, 
produce real and serious effects ; but he himself was a man 
too straightforward, simple and impulsive to inspire his 
enemies with fear." — Del Lungo. 


The Magnates make a scheme to divide the 
Popolani (1294-1295). 

The Magnates held their council in S. Jacopo 
Oltrarno, and there all agreed that Giano should 
be slain. Afterwards there was a meeting of 
one member from each House ; and the spokes- 
man was M. Berto Frescobaldi. He talked of 
how these dogs of popolani had bereft them of 
their privileges and of office, and how they durst 
not enter the Palace and push forward their 
causes ( 1 ) ; adding, " if we beat one of our 
servants our houses are pulled down (2). And 
therefore, sirs, I counsel that we come forth from 
this bondage. Let us take our arms and rush into 
the streets ; let us kill as many of the popolani as 
we find, friends and enemies alike, so that neither 
we nor our sons may ever more be brought under 
their yoke." 

After that M. Baldo della Tosa stood up and 
said: "Sirs, the wise knight's counsel would be 
good if it were not too hazardous, seeing that if 
our intention failed we should all be dead men. 


But let us conquer them first by cunning, and dis- 
unite them by mild words, saying that the Ghibel- 
lines will take our city from us, and will drive out 
them and us, and that for God's sake they should 
not allow the Ghibellines to rise to power. Having 
thus caused a division amongst them (3), let us 
smite them so that they never lift themselves up 
any more." The knight's counsel was pleasing to 
all, and they appointed two for each district, who 
should corrupt and divide the popolani and malign 
Giano, and estrange from him all the powerful 
bopolani for the reasons mentioned (4). 

1. Not the palace of the Signory, which was only begun 
in 1299 (see II. 12, n. 2), but the palace of the Podesta(now 
known as the Bargello), which had been erected some 
forty years previously. It will be readily understood, by 
referring to Appendix II., that it would not be difficult 
for Magnates to bring undue influence to bear on the ad- 
ministration of justice in the Podesta's court, which sat in 
his palace. The allusion in this passage is to a law, passed 
probably in 1294, restricting the access of Magnates to the 
palaces of the Podesta and Captain. 

2. Under a modification of the Ordinances, which came 
into force on July 6, 1295 (some six months after the events 
related in this chapter), it was provided that the Ordi- 
nances should not apply to chastisement inflicted by 
Magnates on their servants. 

3. The Ghibellines were to serve as a bugbear to divide 
the popolani. Some would be frightened, and fall into 
the trap, while others would persist in hostility to the 

4. Viz. because they would allege that it was by Giano's 
fault that the Magnates and popolani were at strife, and 
thereby the whole Guelf party in Florence was in danger. 



Riot in Florence on Jan. 23, 1295. The Podesta's 
palace plundered. Giano della Bella driven 
from the city. 

Whilst the citizens were thus dissembling ( 1 ) the 
city was in a state of great discord. It befell 
in those days that M. Corso Donati, a powerful 
knight, sent some foot-soldiers to attack M. Simone 
Galastrone, his kinsman, and in the struggle one 
£a popolano~] v/as killed, and several were wounded. 
An accusation was made on both sides, and it was 
therefore necessary to proceed according to the 
Ordinances of Justice in taking the evidence (2), 
and in awarding the punishment. The trial came 
on before the Podesta, named M. Giano of Lucino 
(3), a noble Lombard knight of great sense and 
goodness. One of his doctors of law (4), who was 
engaged in the case and hearing the evidence pro- 
duced on both sides, perceived that it went against 
M. Corso ; [b\it] he made the notary write the 
contrary so as to make out that M. Corso ought to 
be absolved, and M. Simone condemned. The 
Podesta therefore, being deceived, acquitted M. 
Corso and condemned M. Simone. The citizens 
who heard what had been done thought that he had 
done it for money, and that he was the enemy of 
the popolani, and M. Corso's adversaries especially 
cried with one voice, " Death to the Podesta ; to 
the fire, to the fire ! " (5). The first to start the 
uproar, more from the ill-will they bore M. Corso 
than from sorrow for offended justice, were Taldo 


della Bella (6) and Baldo dal Borgo. And the 
tumult increased so greatly that the mob ran with 
faggots to the palace of the Podesta to burn the 

Giano, who was with the Priors, hearing the cry 
of the mob, said, " I will go to save the Podesta 
from the hands of the rioters," and he mounted his 
horse, thinking that the people would obey him and 
retire at his words. But on the contrary they 
turned their lances against him to throw him off 
his horse ; so he turned back. In order to please 
the people the Priors came out (7) with the Gon- 
falon, thinking to appease the uproar ; but it in- 
creased so much that the rioters burnt the palace 
door, and stole the horses and goods of the Podesta. 
The Podesta fled into a neighbouring house ; his 
household were seized, the records were torn in 
pieces, and any evil-disposed person who was being 
sued in court went to destroy the papers relating to 
his case. This destruction was effectually helped 
on by a certain doctor of law named M. Baldo 
dell' Ammirato, who had many opponents, and was 
in court at the time engaged in criminal and civil 
business. This man, who had proceedings pending 
against himself and feared to be punished, was so 
crafty that with the help of his followers he broke 
open the cupboards, and tore up the records, so 
that they were never found again. Many persons 
did strange things during that riot. The Podesta 
and his household were in great peril. He had 
brought his wife with him, a lady highly esteemed 
in Lombardy, and of great beauty. She and her 
husband, hearing the shouts of the mob, fled, 
calling upon death (8), to the neighbouring houses, 



where they found help, and were hidden and 

The next day the Council (9) assembled, and it 
was decided for the honour of the city that the stolen 
goods should be restored to the Podesta, and that 
his salary should be paid. This was accordingly 
done, and he went away. The city remained in 
great discord. The good citizens blamed what 
had been done ; others laid the guilt on Giano, 
seeking to drive him away, or to make him come 
to harm ; others said, " Now that we have made a 
beginning, let us burn the rest," and there was such 
an uproar throughout the city, that it stirred the 
minds of all against Giano. And the Magalotti 
(10), his kinsmen, shared in this feeling ; and they 
advised him, in order to put an end to the people's 
excitement, to absent himself for a while from the 
city. He trusted to their false counsel and departed ; 
and forthwith he was banished and condemned in 
person and property. 

1. I.e. secretly nursing their mutual ill-will. 

2. See I. 11. The case fell within the Ordinances because 
z.popolano had been killed in a scuffle between Magnates. 
M. Corso and M. Simone accused each other of the murder, 
so as to escape the penalty. Under the modification of the 
Ordinances already referred to (I. 1-5, n. 2), it was provided 
that they should not apply to the killing of a popolano who 
wilfully meddled in a scuffle between Magnates. 

3. Lucino was a small village in the territory of Como. 

4. The establishment or household of this Podesta con- 
sisted of 82 persons, including 10 doctors of law, 24 notaries, 
and 4 knights. He also had his wife with him (which was 
unusual) and a son. 

5. I.e. " set fire to the Podesta' s palace ! " 

6. Giano's brother. 

7. Scesono in piazza. This is a general expression mean- 
ing that they came out of their residence and went into the 


streets. It does not necessarily refer to a piazza. The 
Piazza della Signoria was not in existence at this time. 

8. Cf. Inf. xiii. 118. 

g. I.e. the general council of the Podesta (see Ap- 
pendix II.). 

10. See I. 12 (near the end). 


The Magnates quarrel with the Imperial emissary. 
The quarrel made up by the intervention of the 
Pope (1295). 

When Giano della Bella had been driven away on 
the 5th of March T294 (1), and his house had 
been robbed and partially destroyed, the smaller 
trades-people lost all their boldness and energy 
through having no leader, and remained inactive. 
The citizens appointed as Podesta one who was 
the Captain (2), and they began to accuse Giano's 
friends, some of whom were sentenced to pay 500 
lire, some 1000 lire, and some were declared con- 
tumacious (3). Giano and his kindred left the 
country (4). The citizens remained in great 
discord ; some praised, others blamed him. M. 
Giovanni di Celona, who had come at the request 
of the Magnates and wished to carry out what he 
had promised, and to obtain what had been promised 
him, was demanding the payment for 500 horsemen 
whom he had brought with him. This was denied 
him, for he was told that he had not kept his word. 
The knight, who was a man of high spirit, betook 
himself to the enemies of the Florentines at Arezzo, 
and said to them : " Sirs, I came into Tuscany at 
the request of the Guelfs of Florence ; here are the 


papers. They refuse to give me what they bar- 
gained ; therefore I and my companions will join 
with you in putting them to death as enemies. " 
So the Aretines, the Cortonese, and the Ubertini 
did him honour. 

The Florentines, hearing this, sent to Pope 
Boniface, begging him to interpose and make peace 
between them. And this he did, and adjudged 
that the Florentines should give him []M. Giovanni 
di CelonaJ 20,000 florins (5); which they gave 
him. And being friends once more with him, and 
perceiving that the Aretines were relying on him, 
they arranged with him that on his return to Arezzo, 
he should show himself hostile to us, and should 
lead Qthe Aretines] to take San Miniato from us 
(6), which, he said, belonged to him by virtue of 
the rights of the Emperor in whose name and by 
whose commission he had come. But one person, 
who knew the secret, disclosed it in levity of mind, 
and in order to show that he had knowledge of 
secret affairs, and the person to whom he told it 
made it known to M. Ceffo de' Lamberti (7) ; so 
that the Aretines heard of it, and dismissed the 
knight with all his followers. 

1. 1295 N.S. 

2. I.e. the Captain of the People (see Appendix II.), 
Guglielmo dei Maggi of Brescia. He now held both offices 

3. I.e. they were condemned in default of appearing to 
answer the charge against them. The machinations of the 
Magnates had been to a great extent successful, and the 
Signory, which came into office on Feb. 15 in this year (1295), 
was favourable to them. 

4. According to Villani, viii. 8, he died in France. 

5. According to Villani, viii. 10, the sum was 30,000 florins 
(about ,£15.375), which, Del Lungo observes, corresponds 


with the 60,000 lire stated in a document as the sum autho- 
rised by the Government to be paid to Jean de Chalon. 

6. I.e. to make S. Miniato rebel against the authority of 
Florence, the head of the league of Guelf cities in Tuscany. 
S. Miniato (see I. 7, n. 4) was at this time an independent 
city, and did not come under the dominion of Florence till 
1369. The scheme here mentioned by Dino was that Jean de 
Chalon should head the Ghibelline army as though to attack 
S. Miniato, and then leave them in the lurch. 

7. The Lamberti were a prominent Florentine Ghibelline 
family, and would therefore naturally be in communication 
with the Ghibelline city of Arezzo. M. Ceffo was one of 
those who had had to remain in exile under the terms of 
Cardinal Latino's settlement (see I. 3, n. 6). 


Condition of Florence after Giano's expulsion 

The Priors who drove Giano della Bella away were 
these : Lippo del Velluto, Banchino di Giovanni, 
a butcher, Geri Paganetti, Bartolo Orlandini, M. 
Andrea of Cerreto, Lotto del Migliore Guadagni, 
with Gherardo Lupicini, the Gonfalonier of 
Justice, and they took office on the 15th of 
February 1294 (1). The citizens began to 
accuse one another (2), and to condemn and to 
banish some, insomuch that Giano's friends were 
terrified and remained in subjection. Their enemies 
tyrannised over them very haughtily, and accused 
Giano and his followers of great arrogance, saying 
that he had caused discord in Pistoja, and burnt 
villages, and condemned many persons, when he was 
Captain there ( whereas he deserved praise for these 
things, seeing that he had punished the exiles and 
evil-doers who used to meet together without fearing 


the laws) (3) ; and they said that in doing 
justice (4) he acted for the sake of tyranny. 
Many people spoke evil of him through cowardice 
and to please the wicked. 

The renowned butcher who was called Pecora, 
a man of little truth, a follower of evil, and a 
flatterer, dissembled in that he spoke evil of him to 
please others ( 5 ) . He corrupted the smaller trades- 
people, formed conspiracies, and was so crafty that 
he made the Priors believe they owed their election 
to his influence. He promised office to many, and 
deceived them by these promises. He was a big 
man, bold and impudent, a great tattler ; and he 
declared openly who the conspirators against Giano 
were, saying that he used to meet together with 
them in an underground cellar. He was little to 
be trusted, and more cruel than just. He maligned 
Pacino Peruzzi, a man of good fame. Without 
being called upon, he often made speeches in the 
Councils (6), and he used to say that it was he 
who had freed the citizens from the tyrant Giano, 
and that he had gone about many nights with a 
little lantern persuading people to agree in con- 
spiring against him. 

1. 1295 N.S. Dino passes over the attempt of the 
Magnates in this year to follow up the expulsion of Giano 
by overthrowing the government of the popolani (see 
Villani, viii. 12). They were unsuccessful ; but they pro- 
cured some important relaxations of the Ordinances of 
Justice. In addition to the modifications already referred 
to (I. 15, n. 2 ; I. 16, n. 2) it was provided that in order to 
be deemed a member of a guild, and consequently to be 
eligible for the priorate and to enjoy all other rights in- 
herent in the status of a member of a guild, the actual 
practice of a trade should no longer be necessary, and that 
mere enrolment in a guild should suffice. In this way 


Magnates were readmitted to share in political power — on 
condition of becoming popolani. But no knight might be 
elected Prior, and no Magnate Gonfalonier of Justice. 
Furthermore, it was enacted that thenceforth no family not 
having then or not having had within the twenty years pre- 
ceding more than two knights among its members should be 
obliged to give security, except those already on the list of 
Magnates' families on 6th July 1295. There was, therefore 
(except in the case of families with more than two knights, 
as stated above), no further possibility of a family of popolani 
becoming a Magnate's family accidentally (I. 13, n. 1). 

2. I.e. the popolani who were Giano's enemies accused 
those who were his friends, Dino himself among the number 
(see II. 10). 

3. Giano had been Captain at Pistoja the year before. 
The "exiles and evil-doers" whom he "punished" were 
persons who had taken sanctuary, and, apparently, had 
abused this privilege ; and for his proceedings against 
them he had been excommunicated by the bishop of 
Pistoja {cf. I. 25). 

4. Perhaps rather, " in inflicting punishment." 

5. I.e. his new friends among the Magnates (see I. 13, 
n. 6). 

6. The Podesta and Captain brought forward the business 
for discussion in the Councils, and called upon the members 
to express their opinions. Pecora did not wait to be called 


Scandalous administration of M. Monfiorito, 
Podesta from January to May 1299. 

To safeguard themselves the most wicked of the 
citizens ( 1 ) appointed as their Podesta M. Mon- 
fiorito, a poor nobleman of Padua, in order that he 
might inflict punishment like a tyrant and turn right 
into wrong and wrong into right, as it seemed 
good to them. He quickly understood their will 
and followed it. For he acquitted and condemned 
without law (2), as appeared fitting to them ; and 


he became so presumptuous that he and his house- 
hold openly sold justice, and did not refuse the price, 
were it small or great. He made himself so hated 
that the citizens could not endure him, and caused 
him and two of his attendants to be seized and 
tortured with the rope ; and by his confession they 
learnt things, in consequence of which much in- 
famy and danger accrued to many citizens. Then 
they fell out, for one desired him to be tortured 
further, and another did not. One of them, 
whose name was Piero Manzuolo, caused him to 
be drawn up once more (3). Whereupon he con- 
fessed that he had received a false deposition in 
favour of M. Niccola Acciaioli, and had therefore 
not condemned him. So a note was made of this. 
When M. Niccola heard it, he feared lest more 
might be revealed, and took counsel with his 
advocate, M. Baldo Aguglioni, a most cunning 
lawyer, who found means to gain a sight of the 
notary's records, and erased from them that part 
which went against M. Niccola (4). And when 
the notary began to fear whether the records he had 
lent might not have been tampered with, he dis- 
covered the erasure, and accused them both. M. 
Niccola was seized and sentenced to pay 3000 
lire ; M. Baldo escaped, but was sentenced to pay 
2000 lire, and placed under bounds (5) for a year. 
The Signory (6) fell into great disgrace; and 
there were many persons who, after seeking to 
discover the misdeeds of others, were ill content 
to find themselves proved guilty (7). 

M. Monfiorito was put into prison. Many 
times did the Paduans send to demand him ; 
[the Florentines]] refused to give him up for love 


or favour. Afterwards he escaped from prison ; 
for the wife of one of the Arrigucci, whose 
husband was in the same prison, caused noiseless 
files and other tools to be made, with which they 
broke open their prison and fled. 

1. I.e. the popolani who had been hostile to Giano, and 
favourable to the Magnates (I. 13, n. 6). 

2. Sanza ragione. Ragione here = law, as in Dante 
Conv. ii. 9 : 72. 

3. The victim was hung up with his arms tied behind 
him, and beaten with a rope. 

4. Dante alludes to this nefarious business in Purg. xii. 
105. M. Monfiorito was evidently a mere tool in the hands 
of the "most wicked citizens." He was deprived of his 
office early in May 1299. M. Baldo Aguglioni was one of 
the Priors who held office from 15th August till 15th October 
in the same year, and it was then that the " erasure " of the 
record against M. Niccola Acciaioli was made. It would 
seem from a document quoted by Del Lungo that the 
entry against M. Niccola Acciaioli, with other documents, 
was cut out of the book containing them. 

5. See I. 3, n. 5. 

6. I.e. the Signory of which M. Baldo Aguglioni had 
been a member. 

7. The persons in question had shown special eagerness 
in bringing M. Monfiorito and his attendants to justice, 
hoping thus to divert attention from their own misdeeds ; 
but the record of the proceedings against M. Monfiorito 
revealed their own guilt. 


The eve of the conflict. Incidents in the long- 
standing feud between the Cerchi and the 
Donati which led up to the outbreak. 

The city, governed with little justice, [now] fell 
into a new danger, because the citizens began to be 
divided through rivalry for office, one maligning 


another (i). It happened that certain members 
of a family called the Cerchi (men of low rank, 
but substantial merchants and very rich, who 
dressed well and kept many servants and horses, 
and made a brave appearance), had bought the 
palace of the Counts (2), which was close to the 
houses of the Pazzi and Donati, who were of more 
ancient lineage but not so rich. Wherefore, seeing 
the Cerchi rising to eminence (they had built and 
added to the palace, and kept great state), the 
Donati began to feel a deep hatred towards them. 
This increased greatly, because M„ Corso Donati, 
an ambitious knight, whose wife had died, became 
betrothed to another, the daughter of the late M. 
Accirrito of Gaville (3), an heiress. But when 
her kinsmen would not consent to this, because 
they were expecting the inheritance, the maiden's 
mother, seeing he was a very handsome man, con- 
cluded the match, contrary to the wishes of the rest. 
The Cerchi, kinsmen of M. Neri of Gaville, 
became angry, and tried to prevent M. Corso from 
getting the inheritance. However, he took it by 
force ; and hence arose much mischief and danger 
to the city [in general] and to individuals. And 
some young men of the Cerchi family, being de- 
tained on a matter of suretyship in the courtyard of 
the Podesta's palace, as is the custom (4), a black 
pudding made of pork was set before them, of 
which those who ate had a dangerous sickness, and 
some died of it ; on which account there was a 
great stir in the city, for they were much beloved. 
M. Corso was freely accused of this crime, but it 
was not investigated, seeing that proof could not 
be had ; but the rancour grew from day to day, inso- 


much that the Cerchi began to withdraw both from 
the Donati and from the meetings of the Party (5), 
and to make advances to the popolani and the 
Signory, with whom they were in favour, both 
because they were men of good and kindly dis- 
position and because they were very obliging, so 
that they could obtain from them (the Signory) 
what they wished ; and they were on similar terms 
with the Magistrates. And many citizens drew to 
their side, amongst others, M. Lapo Salterelli and 
M. Donate Ristori, doctors of law, and other 
powerful families (6). The Ghibellines, in like 
manner, loved them for their kindness and because 
they got favours from them, and were not wronged 
by them ; the smaller traders and the populace loved 
them because the conspiracy against Giano had 
displeased them (7). They were much counselled 
and urged to make themselves supreme in the 
Government, which, on account of their goodness, 
they might easily have done; but they would never 
consent to it. 

One day a number of citizens were assembled 
in the Piazza of the Frescobaldi for the funeral 
of a lady. It was the custom of the place at such 
gatherings for the [ordinary] citizens to be seated 
low down on rush-mats, and the knights and 
doctors (8) up high on benches. The Donati and 
the Cerchi being seated opposite one another (those 
who were not knights being on the ground), one 
of them, either to rearrange his dress, or for some 
other purpose, stood up. Their adversaries also 
rose up in mistrust (9), and placed their hands on 
their swords ; the others did likewise ; and they 
came to blows ; but the rest of the company threw 


themselves between, and did not allow them to 
fight. Nevertheless, the strife could not be so far 
quelled as to prevent many people from rallying to 
the houses of the Cerchi, and they would gladly 
have gone on to attack the Donati ; but one of the 
Cerchi did not allow it. 

A young man of gentle birth, named Guido (10) 
(son of a noble knight, M. Cavalcante Cavalcanti), 
courteous and bold, but disdainful, solitary and 
intent on study, an enemy of M. Corso, had several 
times determined to attack him. M. Corso feared 
him greatly, because he knew him to be high- 
spirited, and when Guido was going on a pilgrimage 
to S. James (n), he sought to murder him, but 
did not succeed. Wherefore Guido, hearing of 
this on his return to Florence, stirred up against 
M. Corso many young men, who promised to help 
him. One day when he was riding with some of 
the House of the Cerchi, having a dart in his hand, 
he spurred his horse against M. Corso, believing he 
would be followed by the Cerchi, whom he meant 
to lead into the fray. And as his horse was gal- 
loping on he hurled his dart, but without effect. 
With M. Corso there were present Simone, his 
son ( 1 2), a strong and bold young man, Cecchino 
de' Bardi, and many others with their swords ; 
they pursued Guido, but not overtaking him, they 
cast stones after him, and some were thrown at him 
from the windows, so that he was wounded in the 

For this cause the hatred began to increase ; and 
M. Corso greatly slandered M. Vieri, calling him 
the "Ass of Porta" (13)? because, though a very 
handsome man, he was of small wit and rude of 


speech ; therefore he often said : " Has the Ass 
of Porta been braying to-day ? " And he greatly 
despised him. Guido also he called " Cavicchia " 
(14). And thus the jesters used to report, and 
especially one called Scampolino (15), who very 
much exaggerated what was said, to the end that 
the Cerchi might be moved to quarrel with the 
Donati. The Cerchi kept quiet, but used their 
friendship with the Pisans and the Aretines as a 
threat. The Donati were afraid of them, and 
said that the Cerchi had made a league with the 
Ghibellines of Tuscany ; and to such an extent did 
they defame them that it came to the ears of the 
Pope (16). 

General Note to this Chapter 

At this point Dino enters on his subject proper by giving 
an account of the feud between the Cerchi and the Donati, 
which caused the division of the Guelf party into the Whites 
and the Blacks. This division was completed in 1300 
(see I. 22), which date may be regarded as the fundamental 
date of the present chapter, to which its opening sentence 
and closing paragraph refer ; while the events recorded in 
the intermediate portion of the chapter occurred at various 
times between 1280 and 1297. 

1. The words " governed with little justice " refer to the 
administration of the Magistrates (see I. 5, n. 1). The 
words " rivalry for office " refer to the Signory. 

2. The migration of the Cerchi into Florence from the 
country is touched on in Par. xvi. 65. The "Counts" 
are the Counts Guidi (as in Par. xvi. 64). Guido Salvatico 
of that family sold his houses to M. Vieri (abbreviation of 
Ulivieri) dei Cerchi and other members of his family in 

3. Corso is an abbreviation of Buonaccorso. M. Corso's 
first wife belonged to the Cerchi family ; his second wife 
(the lady here spoken of), to the Ubertini family; and he 
married, thirdly, a daughter of the great Ghibelline leader, 
Uguccione of La Faggiuola. Gaville (see Inf. xxv. 151) 


was a village in the Upper Val d'Arno (see I. 9, n. 2), 
belonging to the Ubertini. M. Neri of Gaville (mentioned 
just below) was likewise one of the Ubertini. 

4. Some of the Cerchi had been condemned in the matter 
of an affray between them and the Pazzi. They had made 
default in paying the fine ; their sureties (see above, I. 11, 
n. 6) were also in default, and were accordingly confined 
as stated in the text. The affray is believed by Del Lungo 
to have occurred on December 20, 1298. 

5. See I. 3, n. 2. 

6. I.e. of the popolani. M. Lapo Salterelli is referred 
to in Par. xv. 128. Del Lungo prints (vol. i. pp. 327-329) 
a poem addressed by Dino Compagni to Lapo in which he 
puts before him a legal conundrum about three husbands, 
two wives and three children, and the respective claims of 
the latter to the property of the first wife, with Lapo's poem 
in reply. M. Donato Ristori was one of the draftsmen of 
the Ordinances (I. 12). 

7. It will be observed that the adherents of the Cerchi, 
soon to be known as the Whites, formed a rather hetero- 
geneous body ; of which the popolani were the nucleus. 
The presence of Ghibellines among them, coupled with 
their relations with the Ghibelline states of Pisa and 
Arezzo (see below, end of this chapter), tended to 
weaken their position, and indeed- contributed to their 
eventual overthrow. The Ghibellines hated the Guelf Mag- 
nates more than the popolani, because the former had chiefly 
contributed to their defeat at Campaldino. Their support 
of the Cerchi was therefore in the nature of a choice of the 
lesser of two evils. The concluding words of the sentence 
present some difficulty, arising from the fact already re- 
corded by Dino (I. 13), that Vieri dei Cerchi had himself 
taken part in the conspiracy against G. della Bella, the 
champion of the smaller traders and populace. Much, 
however, had happened since then, and we must suppose 
that the consequences of Giano's expulsion and the increas- 
ing animosity against the Donati had caused the Cerchi to 
repent of their previous action. At any rate, they had 
contrived to secure the support of Giano's followers (see 
below, I. 22). 

8. The "doctors" here include physicians as well as 
doctors of law. The women on these occasions assembled 
inside the house, the men in front of it. The date of the 
disturbance at the Frescobaldi funeral was previous to 
January 17, 1297. The date (December 1300), given by 
G. Villani (viii. 41), is proved by Del Lungo to be im- 


9. I.e. fearing that the man's jumping up was a signal 
for their opponents to attack them. 

10. The famous poet and friend of Dante, so often 
mentioned by Dante in his writings. If, as Del Lungo sug- 
gests, the event here recorded occurred not long before 1300, 
Guido Cavalcanti was at least forty years old at the time. 

11. I.e. the sanctuary of S. James at Compostella 
(Santiago de Compostella) in Galicia {cf. Par. xxv. 17, 
18 ; Vita Nuova, xli. 46^). 

12. His son by his first wife (see n. 3 to this chapter). 

13. I.e. of Porta S. Piero, the name of the sesto in 
which both Cerchi and Donati lived (see Par-, xvi. 94-95). 

14. Cavicchia means a peg ; and Del Lungo says that its 
synonym piuolo is used figuratively of a hard, awkward 
man [uomo goffo e duro), suggesting that this was the im- 
pression that Guido Cavalcanti made upon his enemy Corso 
Donati. He also says that Corso's taunt calls to mind the 
story told by Sacchetti {Novelle, 68), of a boy who fastened 
Guido's clothes with a rail to the bench on which he was 
sitting playing a game of chess. 

15. The jesters or buffoons, who frequented the houses of 
the rich, earning a dinner by their wits, were a prominent 
feature of Florentine society (see Boccaccio, Decameron 
ix. 8). 

16. It was a very dangerous move on the part of the 
Cerchi openly to proclaim their alliance with the Ghibellines, 
and their opponents, the Donati, lost no time in taking 
advantage of it by accusing them to the Pope, the head of 
the Guelf party, of treachery to the Guelf cause. 


Ineffectual mission of Cardinal Matthew of Acqua- 
sparta to Florence. The Guild-consuls assaulted 
by Magnates on S. John's Eve (June 23rd). 
The leading members of the Cerchi and Donati 
parties placed under bounds (1300). 

There sat at that time in the seat of S. Peter 
Pope Boniface VIII., a man of great daring and 
consummate ability, who guided the Church as he 


pleased and humbled those who did not submit to 
him (i). The Spini, a rich and powerful Floren- 
tine family, were in his service as his bankers, and 
Simone Gherardi, a man experienced in similar 
business, was their representative at Rome. With 
him was the son of a refiner of silver, a Florentine 
named Nero Cambi, an astute man of subtle wit, 
but wicked and disagreeable, who, in order to 
overthrow the position of the Cerchi and their 
followers, worked upon the Pope to such an extent 
that he sent M. the Friar Matthew of Acquasparta, 
Cardinal of Porto (2), to Florence to make peace 
among the Florentines (3). But he achieved 
nothing, because he did not receive from the 
[opposing] parties the authority he desired, and 
therefore he departed in anger from Florence (4). 
One S. John's Eve, as the guilds were going 
to offer gifts, according to custom (5), and their 
Consuls were walking in front, they were assaulted 
and beaten by certain Magnates, who said to them : 
" We are they who brought about the defeat of 
Campaldino, and you have removed us from the 
offices and dignities of our city." The Priors, 
being indignant, took counsel of several citizens 
(6), and I, Dino, was one of these. And they 
placed under bounds some of each party ; that is 
to say, of the party of the Donati, M. Corso and 
Sinibaldo Donati, M. Rosso and M. Rossellino 
della Tosa, M. Giachinotto and M. Pazzino 
de' Pazzi, M. Geri Spini, M. Porco Manieri, and 
their respective kinsmen [were ordered] to Castel 
della Pieve ; and of the party of the Cerchi, M. 
Gentile and M. Torrigiano and Carbone de' Cerchi, 
Guido Cavalcanti, Baschiera della Tosa, Baldinaccio 


Adimari, Naldo Gherardini and some of their 
kinsmen, to Sarezzano. These obeyed, and went 
to their appointed residence (7). 

Those of the party of the Donati refused to 
go, showing thereby that there was a conspiracy 
amongst them. The Magistrates wished to sen- 
tence them ; and if they had not obeyed, but had 
taken up arms, they would that day have con- 
quered the city, since the Lucchese, with the 
privity of the Cardinal, were coming to their aid 
with a great army of men. Hearing that the 
Lucchese were coming, the Priors wrote to bid 
them not dare to enter their territory — (it was my 
business to write the letter) — and the villagers (8) 
were commanded to seize the approaches. And 
so much was done through the diligence of Bartolo, 
son of M. Jacopo de' Bardi, that they (9) obeyed. 
Then the Cardinal's aim was clearly revealed ; I 
mean, that the peace he sought was for the purpose 
of humbling the party of the Cerchi and of exalt- 
ing the party of the Donati. And this aim, 
which was understood by many, caused great dis- 
pleasure, and accordingly a man of not much sense 
came forward and with a cross-bow shot a dart at 
the window of the Episcopal Palace (where the 
Cardinal was) which stuck in the woodwork ; and 
the Cardinal in fear departed thence, and went to 
dwell for greater safety at the house of M. Tom- 
maso across the Arno (10). 

The Priors, in order to atone for the affront he 
had received, presented him with 2000 new florins 
(11); and I brought them to him in a silver cup, 
and said : " Messere, disdain them not because 
they are few, for without the sanction of the open 



Councils (12) it is not possible to give more 
money." He answered that they were pleasing 
to him ; and he looked at them long, but would 
not take them. 

1. The persecution of the Colonna family by Boniface is 
specially referred to (see Inf. xxvii. 85-111). \ 

2. Porto is about twenty miles from Rome, near the 
mouth of the Tiber. Matthew of Acquasparta (in Umbria) 
was a Franciscan, and had been Minister-General of the 
Order (see Par. xii. 124). In 1288 he was made Cardinal 
(by Pope Nicholas IV.), and in 1291 Bishop of Porto 
and S. Rufina. On May 23, 1300, he was appointed, 
by Boniface VIII., legate and pacificator in Lombardy, 
Tuscany, and other parts of Italy. He died in 1302. 

3. The words "to make peace among the Florentines" 
indicate the pretext of his mission ; its object is indicated 
in the earlier part of the sentence. 

4. The Cardinal remained in Florence till the end of 
September. Dino (here and elsewhere) groups his facts, 
without regard to chronological sequence, in the order in 
which he thinks they will make the most vivid impression 
on his readers. That is why in the next sentence he speaks 
of "one St. John's Eve" instead of saying "on St. John's 
Eve, 1300." 

5. An annual ceremony at the Cathedral {i.e. the building 
now known as the Baptistery). In addition to ceremonial 
gifts, a certain number of prisoners were ' ' offered up " 
and received their liberty (see Dante, Epistola, ix. 19, n.). 

6. I.e. they summoned an extraordinary council (see Ap- 
pendix II. and cf. II. 10). Dante was one of the Priors of 
this Signory, which held office from June 15 till August 15. 

7. It will be noticed that the della Tosa or Tosinghi 
family was divided ; but most of them held with the Cerchi 
(see next chapter). Castello della Pieve is among the 
Apennines, in the province of Massa Tribara, near Urbino 
(see below, I. 23). Sarezzano is the modern Sarzana, near 
the sea-coast, about nine miles east of Spezia. Its climate 
was unhealthy, and Guido Cavalcanti died during his exile 

8. Villate, i.e. the bodies of militia of the villages in the 
direction of Lucca. The Contado furnished a force of 
irregular troops raised from each parish (popolo) ; and for 
this purpose the parishes were grouped in confederacies 


9. The members of the Donati faction submitted to the 
Signory and went into exile. 

10. M. Tommaso was the head of the Mozzi family, 
whose houses were on both sides of the Arno. 

11. I.e. gold florins, first coined at Florence in 1252. 
The sum would be about ^1025, the florin being worth 
about 10s. 3d. of our money. 

12. I.e. the councils in which open voting was the rule; 
that is to say, the General Council of the Captain of the 
People, and the General and Special Councils of the 
Podesta (see Appendix II.). 


Account of the affray between Cerchi and Donati 
at the ball in the Piazza of S. Trinita on 1st 
of May 1300, which was the proximate cause 
of the division of the citizens. List of the 
more prominent supporters of either party. 

Since youth is more easily deceived than age, the 
Devil, that multiplier of evil, began his work with 
a company of young men who were in the habit of 
riding together. One evening on the first of May 
( 1 ) as they were at supper together they reached 
such a pitch of arrogance that they determined to 
attack the company of the Cerchi, and use their 
hands and weapons against them. On that evening, 
which is the birthday of Spring, the women are 
much given to frequent balls in their neighbourhood. 
The young men of the Cerchi encountered the 
company of the Donati, among whom was a nephew 
of M. Corso, and Bardellino de' Bardi, and Piero 
Spini, and other of their companions and followers, 
who made an armed attack on the company of the 
Cerchi. In this affray Ricoverino de' Cerchi' s 


nose was cut off by an adherent of the Donati 
(said to have been Piero Spini), and they (the 
Donati) took refuge in his house (2). This same 
blow proved the destruction of our city, because it 
greatly increased the hatred amongst the citizens. 
The Cerchi never revealed who the offender was, 
waiting to take heavy vengeance for it. 

The city was divided anew ; the division pre- 
vailed alike among the Magnates, the middle and 
the lower classes ; and [even] the clergy could 
not avoid siding with one or the other of the two 
factions. All the Ghibellines held with the Cerchi, 
because they hoped to receive less ill treatment from 
them, and all those who were of the opinion of 
Giano della Bella, for it seemed to them that the 
Cerchi had been grieved that he had been driven 
away (3). Guido, son of M. Cavalcanti, was also 
of their party, because he was the enemy of M. 
Corso Donati ; Naldo Gherardini, because he was 
the enemy of the Manieri, kinsmen of M. Corso ; 
M. Manetto Scali and his kinsmen, because they 
were related to the Cerchi ; M. Lapo Salterelli, 
their kinsman ; M. Berto Frescobaldi, because he 
had received much money on loan from them (4) ; 
M. Goccia Adimari, on account of a quarrel he 
had with his kinsmen ; Bernardo, son of M. 
Manfredi Adimari, because he was a partner of 
the Cerchi ; M. Biligiardo and Baschiera, and 
Baldo della Tosa, out of spite against M. Rosso, 
their kinsman, because they had been deprived of 
their honours (5) by him. The Mozzi, the 
Cavalcanti (the elder branch), and many other 
noble families and popolani held with them. 

The following held with the party of M. Corso 


Donati, M. Rosso, M. Arrigo, M. Nepo, and 
Pinuccio della Tosa on account of great intimacy and 
friendship ; M. Gherardo Ventraia (6) ; M. Geri 
Spini and his kinsmen, on account of the wrong done 
[to the Cerchi]] ; M. Gherardo Sgrana and M. 
Bindello (7), on account of intimacy and friend- 
ship ; M. Pazzino de' Pazzi and his kinsmen ; the 
Rossi, the greater number of the Bardi, the Bordoni, 
the Cerretani, Borgo Rinaldi, Manzuolo, Pecora 
the butcher, and many others. And amongst the 
popolani who were with the Cerchi, there were the 
Falconieri, RufFoli, and Orlandini, the Delle Botte, 
the Angiolieri, the Amuniti, those of the family of 
Salvi del Chiaro Girolami (8), and many other 
wealthy merchants. 

1. Cf. I. 21, n. 4 ; Villani, viii. 39 ; and Boccaccio's " Life 
of Dante" (King's Classics), p. 15. 

2. The houses of the Spini fronted the Piazza di S. 

3. Cf. I. 20, n. 7. 

4. Cf. I. 15 and II. 22. 

5. I.e. privileges or dignities belonging to the family. 
See Par. xvi. 112-114. 

6. He belonged to the Tornaquinci family, and had borne 
the royal standard (I. 7, n. 7) at Campaldino. 

7. These belonged to the Adimari, which family was 
therefore divided in the conflict. M. Bindello had died on 
15th of August in the year before ; but his name is not out 
of place here, for, as we have seen, the feud between Cerchi 
and Donati was of long standing, though it was only after 
the affray described in this chapter that it involved the 
whole population of Florence. 

8. Salvi had been one of the original Priors (I. 4). 



Corso Donati breaks bounds and betakes himself 
to the Pope. The Cerchi exiles are recalled 
(1300). The Donati in Florence, in June 1301, 
call a meeting in the Church of S. Trinita 
(which is attended by the majority of the 
Guelf party) for the ostensible purpose of 
restoring peace to the city. 

M. Corso Donati, having been placed under bounds 
at Massa Trebara (1), broke them, and betook him- 
self to Rome (2), being disobedient ; for which 
cause he was condemned in person and property. 
And, together with Nero Cambi (3), who was a 
partner of the Spini at Court (4), he employed the 
agency of M. Jacopo Guatani (5), a kinsman of 
the Pope, and of certain of the Colonna (6), to beg 
most urgently that the Pope would apply a remedy, 
since the Guelf party was perishing in Florence, 
and the Cerchi were favouring the Ghibellines. 
Therefore the Pope caused M. Vieri de' Cerchi 
to be summoned, who went to Rome in great 
state. The Pope, at the petition of his bankers 
the Spini, and of his above-named friends and 
kinsmen, called upon M. Vieri to make peace with 
M. Corso, to which he would not consent, mak- 
ing out that he was not acting against the Guelf 
party (7). So he was dismissed by the Pope, and 

Those of the Cerchi who had been placed under 
bounds returned to Florence (8). M. Torrigiano, 
and Carbone, and Vieri, son of M. Ricovero de* 


Cerchi (9), M. Biligiardo della Tosa, and Carbone 
and Naldo Gherardini, and M. Guido Scimia de' 
Cavalcanti (10), and the others of that party re- 
mained quiet. But M. Geri Spini, M. Porco 
Manieri, M. Rosso della Tosa, M. Pazzino de* 
Pazzi, Sinibaldo son of M. Simone Donati, the 
leaders of the other party, ill content at their 
return (n), having determined to drive out the 
Cerchi and their party, assembled with their 
followers one day in Santa Trinitk, and held a 
great meeting, for which they assigned many false 
motives. After a long discussion M. Buondel- 
monte, a wise and discreet knight (12), said that 
the risk was too great, that too much evil might 
come of it, and that for the present they had better 
proceed no further. And the larger party came 
together to this meeting, since M. Lapo Salterelli 
had promised Bartolo di M. Jacopo de' Bardi (in 
whom great trust was placed) (13) that affairs 
would be satisfactorily settled, So they separated 
without doing anything. 

1. See I. 21, n. 7 ; I. 4, n. 1. 

2. Because the Donati were already Intriguing with the 
Pope (I. 21). 

3. See I. 21. 

4 In corte, which expression, used without qualification, 
generally means the Papal Court. 

5. More properly written Gaetani ; for this name is the 
plural of Gaetano, which means " a native of Gaeta," from 
which place the Pope's family originally came. This person 
belonged to a Pisan branch of the family. 

6. The persecution of the Colonna (I. 21, n. 1) originated 
in a family dispute. The persons here spoken of were those 
members of the family whose quarrel had been taken up by 
the Pope. One of them was his chaplain. 

7. See I. 20, n. 7, 16. 

8. In the second half 01. August 1300. The leaders of 
the Donati who had not broken bounds returned somewhat 


later. Observe that Dino immediately goes on to the 
summer of the following year. 

9. To be distinguished from Vieri, son of Torrigiano dei 
Cerchi, the head of the party. 

10. To be distinguished from Guido Cavalcanti, the poet. 
Tt is uncertain how this Guido came by the name of Scimia 
(ape). His father, Gianni Cavalcanti, surnamed Schicchi, 
placed by Dante in hell among the falsifiers {Inf. xxx. 32), 
is said to have been an accomplished mimic. 

11. I.e. that the Cerchi exiles had been allowed to return 
earlier than themselves. Lionardo Bruni tells us in his 
Life of Dante (" Early Lives of Dante," King's Classics, 
p. 125) that Dante said that the early return of the Cerchi 
exiles was due to the illness and death of Guido Cavalcanti 
at Sarzana (I. 21, n. 7). 

12. He belonged to the party of the Donati. 

13. By " the larger party " is meant the party of the 
Cerchi. Though the Donati's aim was to drive the Cerchi 
from the city and get the control of the government into 
their own hands, and they were intriguing for the Pope's 
help in order to accomplish their purpose, still it behoved 
them for the present to walk warily in Florence. Hence 
they sought to hoodwink their opponents by calling this 
meeting in order to justify their conduct, affecting to be 
moved by disinterested zeal for the Guelf cause and the 
good of the city. It was therefore important that the 
assembly should be representative of the whole Guelf 
party, and Bartolo de' Bardi, who had been one of the 
original Priors (I. 4), a man of high character and great 
influence (I. 21), was accordingly persuaded to induce the 
supporters of the Cerchi to attend. Dino Compagni him- 
self was among them, as will be seen in the next chapter. 


Dino Compagni's speech at the meeting at S. 
Trinita. Discovery by the Government of the 
conspiracy of the Donati (June 1301). 

I, Dino Compagni, being myself at this meeting, 
and desirous of unity and peace amongst the citizens, 
said before they departed : " Sirs, wherefore would 


ye confound and undo such a goodly city ? Against 
whom would ye fight ? Against your own brethren ? 
What victory will ye have ? No other than lamen- 
tation. " They replied that their meeting was for 
no other purpose than to quell discord and to pro- 
mote peace. 

On hearing this I conferred with Lapo di Guazza 
Ulivieri, a good and loyal popolano ( 1 ) ; and we 
went together to the Priors, taking with us certain 
[[of the faction of the DonatiJ who had been at the 
meeting ; and we acted as mediators between the 
Priors and them, and appeased the Signory with 
gentle words, so that M. Palmieri Altoviti, who 
was then one of the Signory (2) [only] reproved 
them sharply, without menaces. Their answer was 
that nothing further would come of that assembly, 
and [[they begged] that certain soldiers, who had 
come at their request, should be allowed to leave 
without being molested. And thus it was com- 
manded by the Priors. 

The adverse party (3) continually kept urging 
the Signory to punish them for the meeting held in 
S. Trinita, because they had contravened the Ordi- 
nances of Justice, their object being to make a 
conspiracy and plot against the Government. 

On investigating the alleged conspiracy it was 
found that the Count of Battifolle (4) was sending 
his son with his vassals, and with arms at the re- 
quest of the conspirators ; and letters from M. 
Simone de' Bardi (5) were found, in which he 
wrote asking them to have a large quantity of bread 
made, so that the soldiers who were coming might 
have whereof to live. It was therefore clearly 
understood that there was a conspiracy on foot in 


connection with the meeting held in S. Trinita ; 
so the count and his son and M. Simone were 
condemned to a heavy penalty (6). 

The hatred and ill-will of both parties being now 
unconcealed, each sought to injure the other ; but 
the Donati displayed their enmity much more openly 
in words than the Cerchi, and they feared nothing. 

i. He was a member of the Donati faction (see II. 26). 

2. See above, I. 13, n. 11. He was one of the Priors from 
April 15 to June 15, 1301. 

3. I.e. the Cerchi. 

4. I.e. Simone, Count of Battifolle (a stronghold in Casen- 
tino), of the family of the Counts Guidi. He had become a 
Guelf in consequence of wrongs done him by his brother, 
Guido Novello (Villani, v. 37). His son's name was Guido. 

5. The widowed husband of Beatrice Portinari. He was 
with the Count of Battifolle. 

6. The two Counts Guidi and M. Simone de' Bardi were 
outlawed (messi in iando) ; the adherents of the Donati who 
had been " set under bounds " were sent back to their en- 
forced place of residence, with others, both Magnates and 
popolani; the property of the Donati was laid waste; and 
the sentence of outlawry against M. Corso, incurred by his 
breaking bounds (above, I. 23), was renewed. In Del Lungo's 
opinion the words in Ciacco's prophecy {Inf. vi. 65, 66), 
" the party of the woods shall expel the other with much 
offence," refer to this proscription of the Donati by the 


The Cerchi, in order to strengthen their position, 
ally themselves with the White faction in Pis- 
toja, and banish the Black faction from that 
city (May 1301). Thenceforth the party of the 
Cerchi in Florence are known as the Whites 
and the party of the Donati as the Blacks. 

The Cerchi were endeavouring to engage on their 
side the Pistojans, who had [already]] given the 


Florentines authority to send to Pistoja a Podesta 
and Captain (1). Cantino, son of M. Amadore 
Cavalcanti, a dishonourable man, who had been sent 
there as Captain, broke a law of the Pistojans, which 
was that their Elders (2) should be chosen from both 
their parties, namely, the Blacks and the Whites. 
These two parties, Blacks and Whites, sprang 
from a family called Cancellieri which had divided, 
and, in consequence of this, some of them who were 
closely related to one another called themselves 
Whites, and the others Blacks ; and so the whole 
city was divided ; and it was the practice to elect 
the Elders accordingly ( 3 ) . This Cantino broke 
their law, and caused all the Elders to be chosen 
from the White party ; and, being reproved for it, 
gave as his excuse that he had an order to do so 
from the rulers of Florence. But he did not speak 
the truth (4). 

The Pistojans, ill content, dwelt in great tribu- 
lation, injuring and slaying one another ; and they 
were often condemned and ill-treated by the Magis- 
trates, both rightly and wrongly ; [and]] much 
money was drawn from their hands : for the Pis- 
tojans are naturally quarrelsome, cruel and savage 
men (5). M. Ugo Tornaquinci, the Podesta, 
drew 3000 florins from such sentences ; and in 
like manner many other Florentine citizens who 
were Magistrates there (6). 

Giano della Bella had been Captain at Pistoja ; 
he ruled the citizens faithfully ; but he was very 
severe, for he burnt some of their houses outside 
the city where they harboured exiles in disobedi- 
ence [to his orders] (7). 

In Pistoja there was a formidable knight of the 


party of the " Black " Cancellieri named M. Simone 
of Pantano (8), a man of middle height, spare and 
dark, pitiless and cruel, a robber and perpetrator of 
every evil ; and he was with M. Corso Donates 
party. And with the opposing party was another 
called M. Schiatta Amati, a man more cowardly 
than prudent, and less cruel [than M. Simone]. 
He was a kinsman of the " White" Cerchi (9). 
At this time the Florentines sent Andrea Gher- 
ardini as Captain to Pistoja, who was knighted [on 
that occasion]] (10) ; and he was made to believe 
at that time that the Lucchese were coming to 
Pistoja to seize the city ( 1 1 ). Wherefore the said 
M. Andrea placed many citizens under bounds ; 
however, they would not depart at his command, 
but fortified themselves and sought to defend them- 
selves, thinking to receive succour : and the said 
M. Simone summoned many of his friends and 
foreign foot- soldiers. The Podesta (12) set his 
opponents a time in which to depart, but they did 
not obey : therefore he was indignant, and, having 
received assistance from Florence, punished them 
with sword and fire, and outlawed their followers 
(13). Some said that M. Andrea had got 4000 
florins from them (14) ; and others that this money 
was given him by the Commonwealth of Florence 
in consideration of the enmity he had incurred by 
his action. 

Observe that the expulsion of the Blacks from Pistoja 
related in this chapter immediately preceded the meeting 
in S. Trinita, and the expulsion of the Donati party from 
Florence already related {cf. I. 21, n. 4). 

1. This authority had been conferred on the Florentine 
Government in the early part of 1296. 


2. Cantino seems to have held the office for the six 
months November 1300 to April 1301. The name Cantino 
is a diminutive of Cante, which is short for Cavalcante. 
The Elders of Pistoja (eight in number, with a Gonfalonier 
of Justice) answered to the Priors of Florence. 

3. Viz. half from one party and half from the other. 
The family feud had begun in 1286, and the absolute and 
complete division of the citizens into the Black and White 
factions dated from 1295. 

4. Though it may not have been true that the Signory 
then in office actually gave such an order, there is no doubt 
that the exclusion of the Blacks from office in Pistoja was 
carried out by the Cerchi party with their privity and con- 
nivance ; and the fact of the Cerchi identifying themselves 
with the White Cancellieri at Pistoja caused them and their 
adherents at Florence to be known as the Whites. 

5. Cf. Inf. xxiv. 125, T26 ; De Vulg. El. i. 13 : 39, n. 

6. I.e. under the authority conferred on Florence in 1296. 
The Magistrates were entitled to a portion of the fines 

7. See I. t8, n. 3. 

8. Both this man and M. Schiatta Amati, mentioned just 
afterwards, belonged to the Cancellieri, and they were the 
heads of the two factions. 

9. ' ' The use of the terms Whites and Blacks to denote the 
two well-known factions of the Guelfs in Florence only began 
in 1301 ; but these same terms had been already long in use 
as distinctive appellations within the Cerchi family ; and it 
is in this sense only that Dino here speaks of the ' White ' 
Cerchi " (Del Lungo). 

10. Gherardini's term of office began in May 1301. He 
was knighted because the Captain of the People was re- 
quired by law to have been invested with that dignity. 

11. This was a mere pretext to enable him to take measures 
against the Blacks. The Lucchese were in alliance with the 
Donati (I. 21). 

12. Gherardini seems to have held this office as well as 
that of Captain. 

13. The exiled Blacks {Inf. xxiv. 143) sought refuge in 
various places ; but Villani's statement (viii. 38) that they 
were banished to Florence is erroneous and indeed absurd, 
for they were the last people that the Cerchi would want to 
come into the city. 

14. Viz. from the Whites of Pistoja. 



Dino interrupts his narrative to glance by antici- 
pation at the terrible siege and overthrow of 
Pistoja in 1306, the ultimate consequence of 
the expulsion of the Blacks in 1301. 

How beautiful, profitable, and prosperous a city is 
overthrown! Let its citizens weep; they are of 
more powerful frame than any in Tuscany, the pos- 
sessors of such a rich habitation, which is surrounded 
by beautiful streams, profitable mountain pastures, 
and excellent soil ; they who are strong in arms, 
quarrelsome, and savage ; for which cause this city 
was well-nigh done to death. For in a short time 
fortune changed, and they were besieged by the 
Florentines, insomuch that they gave their own 
flesh for food, allowing their limbs to be cut off 
[by the enemy]] in order to bring provisions to 
their city (1), and were reduced to such straits 
that they ate nothing else but bread (2) till the last 
day [of the siege]]. But the glorious God took 
thought for them, so that without the knowledge 
of their adversaries they swore to surrender (3) 
[to the Florentines]] on terms providing for their 
safety ; which terms were not kept. For after the 
Florentines had got possession of the city, its 
beautiful walls were demolished. Though there 
was an end of the horror and cruelty of cutting 
off the noses of the women and the hands of the 
men who left the city on account of hunger, [yet]] 
the enemy did not spare the beauty of the city, 
which was left like a ruined village (4). Of the 


siege, of the danger and famine endured, of the 
sallies made, and of the brave deeds done by those 
who were shut up there, I do not intend to write, 
nor of the loss of their fine fortresses by treachery, 
since another will write of this with more certain 
knowledge, and if he writes with sympathy, he 
will cause his hearers to weep abundantly. 

1. See III. 14, where the siege is described more at large. 

2. See III. 15, where Dino says that pigs would not have 
touched the bread the citizens ate at the end of the siege. 

3. Lit. "they were received," i.e. their oath was re- 
ceived (see below, II. 17). The "adversaries" spoken of 
here are the exiled Blacks of Pistoja, without whose know- 
ledge the surrender was negotiated. 

4. The demolition of the walls had left the city open like 
a village. 


The White party at Florence appoint Schiatta 
Cancellieri Captain of War, with extensive 
powers. His incompetence. (Summer of 1301.) 

When M. Andrea's office was at an end (1), the 
White party elected M. Schiatta Amati of the White 
Cancellieri as their Captain of War, for they knew 
not how to maintain their position, since they had 
no head, for the Cerchi shunned and disliked the 
name of rulers ; though more from cowardice than 
compassion, because they greatly feared their ad- 
versaries. And they gave their Captain authority, 
in virtue of which the soldiers were under his 
immediate orders, and he issued decrees on his 
own account, imposed penalties, and directed 


troops to be sent against the enemy (2) without 
[[consulting]] any Council (3). The said knight 
was a very weak and timorous man ; war did not 
please him, and he was quite the opposite of his 
kinsman, M. Simone of Pantano, ok the Black 
Cancellieri (4). 

The said Captain did not make himself master 
of the city as he ought to have done ; therefore his 
enemies did not fear him. The soldiers were not 
paid ; [the Whites] had no money, nor had they 
the boldness to raise any ; the Captain did not 
secure any of the strongholds (5), and he placed 
no one under bounds. He spoke menacing words, 
and made show enough, but followed up nothing 
effectually. Those who did not know him deemed 
the Whites rich, powerful, and prudent, and for 
this reason were hopeful (6). But wise men said: 
" They (7) are occupied in trade and fire cowardly 
by nature, while their enemies are masters of war, 
and bold men." 

The enemies of the Cerchi began to defame 
them to the Guelfs, saying that they had an under- 
standing with the Aretines, the Pisans, and the 
Ghibellines, which was untrue. And together with 
many people they turned against them, accusing 
them of what was false ; for the Cerchi had no 
treaty with the aforesaid, nor did they possess their 
friendship. But when any one reproached them 
with it, the Cerchi did not deny it, thinking to be 
all the more feared on that account, and thereby 
overpower their enemies, saying : " They will dread 
us the more, fearing lest we join [the Ghibellines], 
while these will love us the more, having hope in 
us." But the Cerchi, wishing to be lords, were 


lorded over themselves, as shall be related here- 

1. As Captain of Pistoja (see I. 25). The phrase "refers 
not so much to the duration of Gherarclini's term of office, 
which extended till the end of October 1301, as to the 
accomplishment of the business on which he had gone to 
Pistoja, viz. to drive out the Black Cancellieri, and put the 
government into the hands of the Whites. 

2. I.e. he was empowered to do these things. 

3. I.e. he could act without reference either to the 
Signory or to the Councils. 

4. Cf. the description of Simone of Pantano (I. 25). 

5. I.e. towers and fortified buildings within the city {cf. 
Villari, 120, 121). 

6. Taken in by the specious bearing of M. Schiatta, the 
persons in question imagined that the Cerchi and their 
adherents had shown consummate wisdom in their choice 
of a Captain, and that their supremacy rested on a firm 

7. I.e. the Cerchi and the White leaders. 



An ironical apostrophe to the Black Guelfs of 

Arise, O wicked citizens, full of discord, take 
sword and lire in your hands, and spread abroad 
your evil doings. Disclose your iniquitous desires 
and abominable purposes ; delay no longer ; go 
and lay waste the beauties of your city. Shed 
your brother's blood, strip yourselves of faith and 
love, deny one another help and service. Sow 
your falsehoods, which shall fill the granaries of 
your sons ( i ). Act as did Sulla in the city of 
Rome, whose wicked practices, wrought during 
ten years, were all avenged by Marius in a few 
days (2). Think ye that God's justice has become 
slack ? Truly even that of the world renders like 
for like. Consider whether your forefathers were 
recompensed for their quarrels (3) ; barter away 
the rights which they won. Delay not, ye miser- 
able men, for more is destroyed in one day's war 
than is gained through long years of peace ; and 
small is that spark which brings a great kingdom 
to destruction. 



1. Meaning, of course, "which shall bring your sons to 

2. Dino seems to be writing under a confused impression 
of events, for the five days' massacre by Marius of the 
followers of Sulla in B.C. 87 was committed after Sulla had 
only wielded power in Rome for one year (the year of his 
consulship in 88), and Marius died in 86, four years before 
the confiscations and proscriptions of Sulla's dictatorship. 

3. See I. 2 : " After much hurt had been received in ancient 
times through the quarrels of the citizens." The opening of 
that chapter should be compared with this one. 

4. Cf. Par. i. 34. 


The Black Guelfs persuade the Pope to appoint 
Charles of Valois peacemaker in Tuscany, 

The citizens of Florence, being thus divided, one 
began to defame another (1) by making false state- 
ments [both] in the neighbouring cities and in the 
Roman Court to Pope Boniface. And the words 
falsely spoken wrought more harm in Florence 
than the point of the sword. And to such a 
degree did they work upon the said Pope by 
declaring that the city was falling again into the 
Ghibellines' hands, and that it would become a 
refuge for the Colonna (2), and such influence did 
the great quantity of money, mingled with the false 
words, have with him that he, being advised to cast 
down the arrogance of the Florentines, promised to 
bestow on the Black Guelfs the great power of 
Charles of Valois, of the Royal House of France, 
who had left France to go to Sicily against Frederick 
of Aragon (3). And he wrote to Charles saying 


that he intended to appoint him peacemaker in 
Tuscany against the opponents of the Church (4). 
The said commission sounded very well in name, 
but its purpose was to the contrary, since the Pope 
wished to cast down the T\ hites and exalt the 
Blacks, and make the TV hites enemies of the 
House of France and of the Church (5). 

1. I.e. the Blacks defamed the Whites. 

2. See I. 2i, n. 1 ; I. 23, n. 6. 

3. Charles Count of Valois, Alencon, and Anjou (1270- 
1325 , son of Philip III. and brother of Philip IV. of France, 
had been induced by Pope Boniface VIII. to come to Italy 
in order to help Charles II. of Anjou, king of Naples, to 
conquer Sicily from Frederick of Aragon (see I. 7, n. 6). 

4. Charles was (nominally) to make peace between the 
Black and WTiite Guelfs and crush the Ghibellines (the 
opponents of the Church). 

5. I.e. to force the Whites into Ghibellinism. Dino thus 
indicates the effect actually produced by the Pope's policy. 


Charles of Valois receives ambassadors at Bologna 
from the Blacks and Whites. The former 
secure his favours and persuade him to ad- 
vance by way of Pistoja, but without entering 
the city (August 1301'. 

When" ML Charles of Valois had already come to 
Bologna, ambassadors from the Blacks of Florence 
appeared before him, using these words : u Sir, for 
God's sake, help ! We are the Guelfs of Florence, 
yassals of the House of France ; for God's sake 
have a care for thyself and thy followers, for our 
city is ruled by Ghibeliines." 

The ambassadors from the Blacks having de- 


parted, [those from] the Whites arrived, and with 
the utmost reverence made him, as their liege lord, 
many offers of service. But the guileful words 
had more weight with him than the true ; for the 
saying, " Have a care how thou goest," seemed to 
him a greater sign of friendship than the offers of 
service. He was counselled (i) to come by the 
way of Pistoja, in order to embroil him with the 
Pisrojans, who [indeed] wondered to see him go 
that way (2), and, being in apprehension, furnished 
the gates of the citv with concealed arms and men. 
The sowers of strife (3) said to him : " Sir, enter 
not Pistoja, for the inhabitants will seize thee, 
seeing that thev have secretly armed the citv, and 
are men of great boldness, and enemies of the 
House of France." And they put him in such 
fear that he went, outside Pistoja, by way of a 
little stream, showing ill-will towards Pistoja. 
And here was fulfilled the prophecy of an old 
peasant who long before had said : " There will 
come from the West, by the Ombroncello (4), a 
Prince who shall do great things ; wherefore by 
reason of his coming, the beasts of burden shall go 
over the tops of the towers of Pistoja " (5). 

1. I.e. by the Blacks of Florence and Pistoja. 

2. Because the shorter way to Florence from Bologna lay 
further eastward, and passed through the Mugello or Valley 
0: :Jie Sieve. 

3. I.e. the Blacks. Cf. Inf. xxviii. 35. 

4. An offshoot of the river Ombrone. It is not certain by 
which of the numerous streams near Pistoja Charles took 
his way. 

5. This happened after the capture of Pistoja in 1306 
(an indirect consequence of Charles's coming), when many 
towers and palaces in Pistoja were laid low [cf. I. 26). 



Charles of Valois visits the Papal Court, to which 
the White Guelfs of Florence send an embassy 
in conjunction with the Bolognese (September 
to October 1301). 

M. Charles passed on to the Court of Rome (1) 
without entering Florence ; he was vehemently 
urged on [by the Black Guelfs]), and many sus- 
picions were put into his mind [by them]]. The 
Prince did not know the Tuscans nor their wiles. 
M. Mucciatto Franzesi, a very crafty knight (2), 
small in person, but of great ability, well understood 
the craftiness of the words which were spoken to 
the Prince ; but since he, too, had been bribed, he 
confirmed what Charles was told by the sowers of 
strife (3), who were about him daily. 

The White Guelfs had ambassadors at the Court 
of Rome, and [had] the Bolognese [ambassadors] 
in their company (4) ; but they were not trustworthy 
( 5 )> C^ or U there were among them certain pernicious 
men, among whom was M. Ubaldino Malavolti, a 
Bolognese doctor of laws (6), a man full of cavils, 
who had halted on the way to lay claim to certain 
rights over a fortress which the Florentines were 
holding, but which he said belonged to him ; and 
he delayed his companions' journey to such an 
extent that they did not arrive in time (7). 

When the ambassadors arrived in Rome, the 
Pope received them alone in his chamber, and said 
to them secretly, " Wherefore are ye (8) thus 
obstinate ? Humble yourselves before me. And 


I declare to you in truth, that I have no other 
intention but to promote your peace. Let two of 
you (9) go back, and let them have my blessing if 
they can cause my will to be obeyed. ,, 

1. The Court of Rome was then at Anagni. 

2. Musciatto (or Mucciatto) Franzesi was a Florentine 
merchant, who had enriched himself in France and acquired 
the dignity . of knighthood (Boccaccio, " Decameron," i. 1). 
According to G. Villani (vii. 147), on the advice of Mus- 
ciatto Franzesi and his brother Biccio, Philip IV. of France 
seized all the Italians in his dominions, and held them to 
ransom in 1291 ; and the same authority (viii. 56) tells us, 
that by the advice of the same brothers, Philip debased the 
coinage in order to meet the expense of his Flemish cam- 
paign in 1303. 

3. See II. 3, n. 3. 

4. I.e. it was a joint embassy from Florence and Bologna. 
Documentary evidence has recently been discovered of 
the appointment of Bolognese ambassadors to Boniface at 
the request of the Florentines in October 1301 ; but there 
is no such evidence as to the Florentine embassy, the mem- 
bers of which were (according to Dino) Maso di Ruggerino 
Minerbetti, Corazza of Signa (see below, II. 11), and Dante 
Alighieri (see below, II. 25). Doubts have accordingly been 
entertained as to the statement that the Florentine govern- 
ment sent any embassy to the Pope at this time, and par- 
ticularly as to the statement that Dante was a member of it. 
The question is very intricate, and the reader is referred for 
a full and able discussion of it to Zenatti's work, Dante e 
Firenze (Florence, Sansoni), pp. 134^ It must suffice to 
mention here that the case in favour of the accuracy of 
Dino' s statements is exceedingly strong, and that they may be 
accepted, to say the least, as in the highest degree probable. 
We may add that Zenatti, " in spite of weighty arguments 
to the contrary," is satisfied as to the correctness of Dino's 

5. I.e. they were not all trustworthy. The "untrust- 
worthy" members were, among the Florentines, probably 
Minerbetti (see below, II. 11), and among the Bolognese, 
Malavolti, whom he here calls a " pernicious man." 

6. Ubaldino Malavolti enjoyed a high reputation as a 
lawyer, and was frequently employed by the Government of 
Bologna in public affairs. 

7. Owing to the delay caused by Malavolti's staying in 


Florence to prosecute his claim, the joint embassy did not 
reach the Papal Court till after Charles of Valois had set out 
on his mission as peacemaker. It is, however, as Zenatti 
points out, not necessary to assume that the sole object of 
the embassy was to prevent Charles from starting. 

8. I.e. the White Guelfs of Florence whom the ambas- 
sadors represented. 

9. The two were Minerbetti and Corazza (II. 11). Dante 
remained behind. 


The Signory which entered on their office on 15th 
of October 1301 open negotiations for peace 
with their Black opponents, who delude them 
with a specious promise of help in the good 
work. Fatal apathy among the Whites. 

Meanwhile in Florence new Priors were elected 
almost unanimously by both parties. These were 
good men, above suspicion, in whom the smaller 
traders placed great hope, as did also the White 
party (1), since they were conciliatory and free 
from arrogance, and were willing that the offices 
should be shared (2), saying, " This is the last 
remedy [j:hat can be tried J " (3). 

Their adversaries' hopes were raised by this, for 
they knew them to be weak and peace-loving men, 
and thought they could easily deceive them under a 
show of peace. 

The Priors, who took office on the 15 th of 
October 1301* were these: Lapo del Pace 
Angiolieri, Lippo di Falco Cambio, and I myself, 
Dino Compagni, Girolamo di Salvi del Chiaro, 
Guccio Marignolli, Vermiglio di Jacopo Alfani, 
and Piero Brandini, Gonfalonier of Justice ; who, 


when they had been drawn by lot (4), betook 
themselves to Santa Croce, because the others' 
term of office had not yet expired (5). 

The Black Guelfs immediately agreed to go and 
visit them by fours and by sixes at a time, as might 
occur to them ; and they said : " Sirs, ye are good 
men, and our city had need of such. Ye behold 
the discord of your citizens ; it behoves you to 
pacify the city, or it will perish (6). Ye are those 
who hold the necessary authority ; and for this 
purpose we proffer you our goods and our persons 
with honourable and loyal mind/' And I, Dino, 
replied on behalf of my companions, and said : 
" Dear and faithful citizens, we willingly receive 
your offers, and intend to begin to avail ourselves of 
them ; and we request you to counsel us, and to dis- 
pose your minds after such sort as may bring rest to 
our city." And thus we lost the early days, for we 
durst not close the gates, nor cease giving audience 
to the citizens, although we doubted of such false 
offers, believing that they were covering their 
wickedness with their false speaking. We en- 
couraged them to negotiate for peace, when we 
ought to have been sharpening our weapons ; and 
we began with the Captains of the Guelf party (7), 
who were M. Manetto Scali and M. Neri Gian- 
donati, and said to them : " Honourable Captains, 
forsake and abandon everything else, and concern 
yourselves solely with making peace in the party of 
the Church (8) : and we place the office we hold 
at your entire disposal in all that you shall ask." 
The Captains departed very cheerfully and with good 
courage, and began to persuade people and to speak 
soothing words. Hearing of this, the Blacks at 


once said that it was wickedness and treason (9), and 
began to reject the [[Captains' J words. M. Manetto 
Scali was so courageous, that he set himself to try to 
make peace between the Cerchi and the Spini (10), 
but it was all reputed as treason. The people who 
held with the Cerchi grew careless in consequence 
of this (11) (^saying]]: " There is no need to 
trouble oneself, for there will be peace/ ' But 
their adversaries thought only of fulfilling their 

No warlike preparation was made, because they 
(12) could not imagine that anything could ensue 
but concord ; and that for several reasons. The 
first was, consideration for the -Party and a desire 
to avoid sharing the offices of the city £with the 
GhibellinesJ (13); the second, because [[warlike 
preparations]] would only have been a cause of 
discord, inasmuch as the [mutual]] injuries [[done 
by the two parties^ had not yet reached such a 
pass that concord could not be established by 
sharing the offices [^between them]]. But [[the 
Blacks]] thought that those who had been the 
offenders (14) could not escape unless the Cerchi 
and their followers were destroyed ; and this could 
hardly be effected without the destruction of the 
city (15), so great was their power. 

1. The term "White party" seems to stand for the 
popolani, for the party also included the smaller traders 
mentioned just before (see I. 20, n. 7), or at least a con- 
siderable number of them. 

2. I.e. shared between the Whites and Blacks. 

3. To prevent the threatened intervention of the Pope and 
Charles of Valois. 

4. I.e. after their names had been drawn from the purses 
containing the names of persons eligible. 


5. And therefore the official residence of the Signory was 
not yet vacant. The election of the incoming Signory was 
sometimes (as on this occasion) held before the usual time. 

6. They wanted the White Signory to try to pacify the 
city, and at the same time intended to make it impossible 
for them to succeed , in order to have a specious justification 
for calling in Charles of Valois themselves. 

7. See I. 3, n. 2. The Captains of the Guelf party, who 
were appointed every two months, varied in number at 
different times. 

8. I.e. the Guelf party. 

9. I.e. that the Captains were being used as tools by the 
Signory to entrap the Black party. 

10. See I. 22. 

11. Viz. the pacific exertions of the Captains. By the 
" people who held with the Cerchi" are meant the White 

12. I.e. the Whites. 

13. As in the days of Cardinal Latino (see above, I. 3). 

14. I.e. the Blacks themselves. 

15. I.e. without a revolution, as we should say (cf. 
Conv. ii. 14 : 177). 


Charles of Valois arrives at Siena and sends two 
ambassadors to the Signory of Florence (end 
of October 1301). 

The Black Guelfs arranged and contrived that M. 
Charles of Valois, who was at Court ( 1 ) , should 
come to Florence ; and the deposit of 70,000 
florins was made for his pay and that of his knights 
(2) ; and they brought him to Siena. And when 
he was there he sent as ambassadors to Florence 
M. Guglielmo, a Frenchman, his chancellor (3), 
who was a dishonourable and bad man (though 
good and benign in appearance), and a Provencal 
knight, who was the opposite. [These came^J 
bringing letters from their lord. 


On their arrival at Florence they went with great 
reverence to the Signory, and asked leave to ad- 
dress the Great Council (4), which was granted 
them. Here an advocate from Volterra, a deceitful 
and incompetent man, whom they had brought with 
them, acted as their interpreter ; and he talked in 
a very confused fashion, and said that the blood 
royal of France had come into Tuscany solely to 
bring peace to the party of Holy Church (5), and 
for the great love it bore to the city and the said 
party ; and that the Pope was sending him [Charles 
of ValoisJ, as a Prince who might well be trusted, 
seeing that the princes of the blood of the House of 
France had never betrayed either friend or foe : 
therefore it ought to please them that he should 
come to fulfil his office (6). 

Many members rose to their feet aflame to speak 
and magnify M. Charles, and hastened to the tri- 
bune (7), each trying to be the first : but the Priors 
allowed none to speak. Yet they were so many, 
that the ambassadors saw that the party which 
desired M. Charles was greater and bolder than that 
which did not desire him, and they wrote to their 
lord saying, they had perceived that the party of 
the Donati had risen very high, while that of the 
Cerchi had sunk very low (8). 

The Signory told the ambassadors that they 
would reply to their lord by an embassy, and mean- 
while they took advice (9), for in view of the great 
novelty [of the situation]] they would do nothing 
without the consent of their fellow -citizens. 

1. I.e. the Papal Court (above, I. 23, n. 4). Dino here 
recapitulates what he has narrated in II. 2. 

2. I.e. the Blacks deposited, probably in the Papal trea- 


sury, the sum they had pledged themselves to provide for 
Charles and his army. 

3. Cherico, which word is not employed here in its usual 
acceptation of "a clerk in holy orders," but means the 
confidential official of a king or prince. In II. 17, we learn 
that this Guglielmo was Charles's chancellor, or private 
secretary, as we should say. 

4. I.e. the general council of the Podesta (see Appendix II.). 

5. I.e. the Guelf party. 

6. I.e. the office of peacemaker to which Charles had 
been appointed by the Pope (II. 2). 

7. Ringhiera. A kind of movable pulpit from which the 
members addressing the council had to speak. 

8. The ambassadors were wrong in identifying with the 
party of the Donati all those who were in favour of Charles's 
mediation, for the majority of the Whites, less clear-sighted 
than the rest, were disposed to put their trust in- the good 
faith of the French prince. 

9. As will be seen in the next chapter, the Signory called 
together an extraordinary assembly to decide the question 
whether Charles should be admitted to the city or not. 


The Signory, after consulting the general council of 
the Guelf party and of the seventy-two trades 
of the city, send ambassadors to Charles of 
Valois, with instructions to allow him to come 
to the city on condition of his previously giving 
his promise, under seal, to respect the liberties 
and laws of Florence. Charles gives the re- 
quired promise and begins to approach the city, 
urged on by the Black Guelfs (end of October 
ISO 1 )- 

They therefore summoned the general council of the 
Guelf party (1), and of the seventy-two trades com- 
prised in guilds, all which trades had their own con- 
suls (2), and enjoined upon them that each should 


answer in writing whether it were pleasing to his 
guild that M. Charles of Valois should be permitted 
to come to Florence as peacemaker. All replied 
by voice and in writing that he should be allowed 
to come, and should be received as a prince of 
noble blood, except the bakers, who said that he 
should neither be received nor honoured, since he 
was coming to destroy the city. 

The ambassadors, who were prominent popolani, 
were sent to tell M. Charles that he might freely 
come. Instructions were given them to obtain 
from him letters under seal [^declaringj that he 
would neither assume any jurisdiction as against us, 
nor usurp any of the city's rights whether in respect 
of the Empire (3) or under any other pretext ; and 
that he would not change the laws or customs of the 
city. The draftsman was M. Donato d' Alberto 
Ristori, with whom were associated several other 
doctors of law. Charles's chancellor was asked to 
beg his master not to come on All Saints' Day, 
because the common people celebrated the new 
vintage on that day with feasting, and many 
outbreaks might occur, which by means of the 
wickedness of the bad citizens (4) might disturb 
the city. He therefore determined to come on the 
following Sunday (5), deeming that the delay was 
made for a good purpose. 

The ambassadors went to him more for the sake 
of obtaining the letter (6) before his arrival than for 
any other cause, being instructed that if they did 
not obtain the fulfilment of his promises (7) they 
should cease to put any trust in him, and should bar 
his passage at Poggibonsi (8), the appproach to 
which had been ordered to be strengthened for the 


safety of that place. And M. Bernardo di' Rossi, 
who was vicar (9) [there], was ordered to refuse him 

Meantime the letter came, and I saw it and 
caused it to be copied, and kept it until the prince's 
coming ; and when he was come, I asked him if it 
had been written by his wish ? He answered, 
"Yes, certainly." Those who were escorting him 
were in haste, and drew him from Siena almost by 
force, and gave him 17,000 florins to urge him on ; 
because he greatly feared the precipitation of the 
Tuscans (10), and was advancing with great caution. 
His escort encouraged him and his soldiers, saying : 
" Sir, [the enemy] are vanquished, and they are 
asking thee to delay thy coming for some evil pur- 
pose, and are making a conspiracy." And they 
pushed him on in other ways. But no conspiracy 
was being made. 

1. See I. 3, n. 2. 

2. The guilds were twenty-one in number (see Appendix 
II.). The seventy-two "trades comprised in guilds" [mestieri 
d'arti) included a number of crafts and occupations which, 
though not forming guilds, were in some way associated with 
the guilds and subordinated to them, though possessing an 
organisation of their own under " consuls." They covered 
the whole of the fopolo minuto, and the present assembly 
was therefore much more largely representative of the 
whole population than all or any of the councils of the 

3. The Pope, who claimed the right during a vacancy of 
the Empire to exercise the Imperial functions as Vicar, had, 
acting expressly in this capacity, appointed Charles as peace- 
maker in Tuscany. The Empire was technically vacant, for 
Albert of Austria (1298-1308) was never crowned at Rome 
{cf. I. 13, n. 2). 

4. I.e. the Black Guelfs. 

5. I.e. November 5. 

6. I.e. the "letters under seal" which the ambassadors 
had been instructed to procure from Charles. 


7. I.e. the promise made by his ambassadors (see pre- 
ceding chapter) that he would come for the sole purpose of 
bringing peace to the Guelf party. 

8. A strong fortress belonging to Florence on the Sienese 

9. The title given to the magistrates appointed by the 
Signory to govern the towns in the Florentine dominions 

10. I.e. the haste with which the Black Guelfs, who were 
escorting him, wanted him to proceed. 


Dino Compagni avails himself of his official 
position as one of the Priors to make a final 
appeal to the better feelings of the more pro- 
minent citizens, in order to promote concord 
in the city. Duplicity and perjury of some 
among them (end of October 1301). 

When affairs were in this state a holy and virtuous 
thought came to me, Dino. Imagining " This 
prince will come and will find all the citizens 
divided, from which great mischief will follow," 
I thought that by reason of the office I held, 
and of the good-will which I perceived among 
my colleagues, I might bring together many pro- 
minent citizens in the Church of S. Giovanni ; 
and so I did. 

All the officials ( 1 ) were present ; and when it 
appeared to me fitting, I said : " Dear and worthy 
citizens, who have all in common received Holy 
Baptism from this font, reason compels and urges 
you to love one another as dear brethren ; and the 
more so because ye possess the noblest city in the 
world. Some ill-will has arisen amongst you 


through rivalry for the offices of the State ; but, as 
ye know, my colleagues and I have promised you 
with an oath to allow both parties to share them 
(2). This Prince is coming, and it behoves us to do 
him honour. Put away, then, your ill-will and make 
peace amongst yourselves, so that he find you not 
divided ; put away all the offences and the wicked 
desires which have hitherto been amongst you ; let 
them be pardoned and remitted for the love and the 
good of your city. And on this hallowed font, 
whence ye drew Holy Baptism, swear good and 
perfect peace betwixt one another, to the end that 
the Prince who is coming may find the citizens all 
united." To these words all agreed, and they did 
accordingly, touching the Book with their hands, 
and swearing to observe perfect peace, and to 
maintain the rights and jurisdiction of the city. 
This done, we departed from that place. 

Those wicked citizens who ostentatiously shed 
tears of tenderness, and kissed the Book, and made 
the greatest show of fervour were the chief in the 
destruction of the city ; whose names, for decency's 
sake, I will not tell. But I cannot conceal the 
name of the first, because he was the cause of the 
others following []his example^ : he was Rosso 
dello Strozza, a man fierce in aspect and in deeds, 
the instigator of the others. But soon after he 
paid the penalty for his oath. 

Those who were evil inclined said that this 
peace, full of charity, had been procured by deceit. 
If there was any fraud in the words spoken (3)1 
ought to suffer the penalty ; although a good in- 
tention ought not to receive an ill reward. Many 
tears have I shed for that oath, thinking of how 



many souls are damned for it through their 

i. I.e. the whole official class, comprising the officers of 
the Commonwealth, of the Guelf party, and of the guilds. 

2. Cf. II. 5 (at the beginning). 

3. Not, of course, by Dino, but by those who took the 
oath falsely. 


'Arrival of Charles of Valois in Florence. The 
forces at his disposal (1st November 1301). 

The said M. Charles entered the city of Florence 
. . . (1), and was much honoured by the citizens 
with races and tilting (2). Those who were im- 
partial (3) lost their energy; wickedness began to 
spread (4). The Lucchese arrived, saying that 
they came to do honour to the Prince (5) ; the 
Perugians came with 200 horsemen ; M. Cante 
of Gubbio with many Sienese knights (6) and 
with many others, adversaries of the Cerchi, who 
came in by sixes and by tens at a time. Entrance 
was not denied to Malatestino (7) and Mainardo 
of Susinana ( 8 ) , in order not to displease the Prince ; 
and each one (9) showed himself friendly. Thus, 
including M. Charles's own horsemen, who were 
800 in number, and those come from the places 
around (10), he had 1200 horsemen at his 

The Prince alighted at the house of the Fresco- 
baldi. He was entreated to alight where the noble 
and honoured King Charles had alighted, and all 
the great lords who came to the city (11), because 


there was plenty of room there, and the place 
was secure. But those who were escorting him 
would not allow this, but looked out beforehand 
how they might occupy a strong position in 
Oltrarno (12), saying to themselves: "If we 
lose the rest of the city, we will assemble our 
force here." 

In Chapters IX.-XIX. , inclusive, the story of events in 
Florence during the first eight days of November 1901 is 
related. They are related without strict regard to their 
succession in ti ne, and anticipations frequently occur in the 

1. The MSS. have the erroneous date of Sunday the 
4th November. Charles entered Florence on Wednesday, 
1st November, All Saints' Day {cf II. 7, n. 5). 

2. See I. 7, n. 7. 

3. La gente comune, i.e. those who had only the public 
good at heart {cf. comune in the same sense in Villani, 
vii. 13 ; viii. 69). 

4. The " wickedness " is that of the Black Guelfs. 

5. Cf. I. 21. 

6. M. Cante dei Gabrielli of Gubbio had been Podesta of 
Siena in 1298. He was, as we shall see (II. 19), appointed 
Podesta of Florence by the Blacks when they had gained 
possession of the city. 

7. This was the eldest son of Malatesta of Verrucchio, 
lord of Rimini from 1295 to 1312. He was half-brother to 
Gianciotto {Inf. v. 107) and Paolo Malatesta {Inf. v. 140). 
He is mentioned in Inf. xxvii. 46 as " the young mastiff 
of Verrucchio," and in Inf. xxviii. 85 as "the traitor 
who sees but with one eye." He succeeded his father as 
lord of Rimini, and died in 1317. 

8. See I. 7, n. 5. 

9. I.e. all those who came with Charles into Florence 
from the places just mentioned or referred to. 

10. See list of towns from which forces came in II. 14. 

11. I.e. the monastery of S. Maria Novella. The visit to 
Florence of Charles I. of Anjou here referred to was made 
in 1267 after the overthrow of the Ghibellines, when the 
Guelf party became supreme in Florence (I. 3, n. 2). 
Observe that S. Maria Novella was at this date (1301) 
outside the city. 


12. I.e. that part of Florence which is on the left bank 
of the Arno, where the palace of the Frescobaldi was 
situate at the end of the bridge of S. Trinita. Others of 
Charles's adherents occupied the Spini palace at the other 
end of the bridge, which was thus entirely commanded by 
Charles (see II. 14). 


The Signory summon a special body of citizens, 
chosen from both parties, to advise them as to 
the measures to be taken for the safety of the 
city during 1 the visit of Charles of Valois. 
Description of the deliberations of this body 
(end of October 1301). 

The Priors composing the Signory chose forty 
citizens from both parties, in order that they might 
not be held in suspicion by either, and took counsel 
with them concerning the safety of the city ( 1 ). 
Those who had a wicked purpose did not speak (2) ; 
the others had lost their energy. 

Bandino Falconieri, a coward, said, " Sirs, [now] 
I am easy, whereas I used not to sleep securely V 
(3) ; showing cowardice before his adversaries. 
He occupied the tribune (4) half the day, and 
we were at the ebb of the year (5). 

M. Lapo Salterelli, who greatly feared the Pope, 
on account of the severe measures the Pope had 
taken against him (6), mounted the tribune, and, in 
order to curry favour with his adversaries (7), 
began to abuse the Signory, saying, " You are 
bringing Florence to ruin : cause a new and mixed 
Signory to be elected ; recall to the city those 
who have been set under bounds ! " (8). And 


[all the time] he had in his house M. Pazzino de* 
Pazzi, who had been set under bounds, and who, 
he trusted, would save him when he (Pazzino) 
should be reinstated (9). 

Alberto del Giudice (10), a rich popolano, a 
man of melancholic temperament and indifferent 
character, mounted the tribune and blamed the 
Priors because they did not hasten to elect their 
successors and recall those set under bounds. M. 
Loteringo of Montespertoli (11) said, "Sirs, 
would you be advised ? Elect a fresh Signory, 
recall to the city those set under bounds, [and] 
draw the gates off their hinges ; in other words, if 
you do these two things you may say that you are 
striking the locks off the gates" (12). 

I asked M. Andrea of Cerreto, a learned lawyer 
sprung from an old Ghibelline family, but now 
become a Black Guelf (13), whether a new Signory 
could be elected without transgressing the Ordinances 
of Justice? (14). He replied that this could not 
be done. And I, who had been accused of such 
transgression, and been charged with a breach of 
the Ordinances (15), determined to observe them, 
and not to allow the [new] Signory to be elected 
against the laws. 

1. See I, 21, n. 6. As a result of the meetings of this 
body, stringent measures for ensuring the tranquillity of the 
city during Charles's visit were passed by the Councils of 
the Commonwealth on October 26-28, and extraordinary 
powers for the protection of the city and territory were 
conferred on the Signory (see II. 13, n. 6). 

2. The policy of the Blacks (those who had a wicked 
purpose), amply justified (from their point of view) by the 
miserable exhibition made by the White speakers, which 
Dino so graphically described, was to give their opponents 
rope enough to hang themselves with. 


3. I.e. " I feel quite comfortable, now that the Peace- 
maker is coming." 

4. See II. 6, n. 8. 

5. Net piu basso tempo dell' anno, i.e. when the days 
were getting shortest. 

6. See I. 20, n. 6. The Signory, which held office from 
April 15 till June 15, 1300, had taken proceedings against 
three citizens resident at Rome in the Pope's service, for 
being concerned in a plot against the State, and had 
sentenced them to a heavy fine. On April 24, 1300, Pope 
Boniface VIII. wrote to the Bishop of Florence, ordering 
him to summon the Signory and Magistrates to quash the 
proceedings against the three citizens on pain of excom- 
munication and interdict, and to cite Lapo Salterelli (at 
that date one of the Priors) and two others as being the 
"chief authors" of the proceedings to appear before hiia 
(the Pope) within fifteen days, on pain of excommunication 
and perpetual disqualification for ' ' all honours and offices 
whatsoever." Lapo took no notice of this, but on the con- 
trary disclaimed the right of the Pope to meddle with the 
jurisdiction of the Florentine government ; and on May 15 
Boniface writes again a furious letter to the Bishop of 
Florence and the Inquisitor of the Province of Tuscany, 
bidding them again to cite Lapo and others to appear before 
him within eight days ; and on their failing to appear, 
Boniface threatens them with divers pains and penalties, 
including proceedings for heresy. These were the ' ' severe 
measures" (aspro processo), which caused the contumacious 
Lapo to be "in great fear of the Pope." (The letters of 
Pope Boniface above referred to are printed in the Codice 
Diplomatico Dantesco, disp. 9. ) 

7. I.e. the Blacks. 

8. In calling for "a new and mixed Signory" Lapo 
Salterelli meant that the Signory should elect their 
successors at once (an illegal proceeding : see below, n. 14), 
and that these should consist of Blacks as well as Whites. 

9. I.e. when the Blacks should be triumphant in the 
city. Pazzino de' Pazzi was one of the leaders of the 
Blacks (see I. 23 ; I. 24, n. 6). Lapo Salterelli's base 
manoeuvres did not save him from his enemies (see II. 
25 ; cf. Par. xv. 128). 

10. He had been one of the conspirators against Giano 
della Bella (see I. 14). His surname, del Giudice, was 
derived from an ancestor named Rustico, who had been 
a famous lawyer. 

11. A place situated some fifteen miles S.W. of Florence. 


12. Because (he intimates) the tranquillity of the city 
would be so fully assured that no guard would be needed 
to maintain the authority of the government. 

13. His family, originally Ghibelline, had become Guelf, 
and had joined the Black Guelfs at the schism of the party 
(see II. 23, and I. 22). 

14. The difficulty was, that it was expressly provided by 
the Ordinances that the election of a new Signory should be 
made one day before their predecessors went out of office ; 
and the existing Signory would not go out of office until 
December 15. They had, in fact, only held office them- 
selves for about a fortnight. 

15. In 1295 Dino had been accused of having neglected 
to enforce the punishment prescribed by the Ordinances 
against two Magnates, who had committed an assault against 
popolani during the time that he had been Gonfalonier in 

1293 (see I. 12). He was acquitted by implication ; for the 
proceedings were directed against the then Captain of the 
People for not having proceeded against Dino, and the 
Captain was acquitted on this charge. 


The ambassadors, sent back to Florence by the 
Pope (see II. 4), report his answer to the 
Signory. The Signory, in view of the critical 
state of affairs, determine to keep back this 
report from the Councils of the Common- 
wealth, and in consultation with six lawyers 
pass a resolution, on the motion of Dino Com- 
pagni, in favour of submitting to the Pope, and 
of requesting him to send Cardinal Gentile of 
Montefiore to reform the government of the 
city. Maso Minerbetti, one of the ambassadors, 
reveals the Pope's answer to the Blacks, who 
determine to overthrow the Government by 
force (first days of November 1301). 

At this time the two ambassadors, who had been 
sent back by the Pope, returned. One of them was 


Maso di M. Ruggierino Minerbetti, a false popolano, 
who did not stand up for his own will, but followed 
that of others ; the other was Corazza of Signa ( i ), 
who was so deeply imbued with Guelf principles 
that he could hardly believe such principles not to be 
extinct in the minds of everybody else (2). They 
reported the Pope's words (3) [to the Signory] ; 
wherefore I was to blame in the matter of reporting 
his (sic) embassy, [for] I kept it back, and swore 
the ambassadors to secrecy ; but I did not keep 
it back from a bad motive (4). Afterwards I 
assembled six learned lawyers, and caused it to 
be brought before them, and I did not permit the 
Councils to be summoned, but with my colleagues' 
consent I brought forward, supported, and put to 
the vote a resolution that this Potentate ( 5 ) should 
be obeyed, that a letter should be at once written to 
him stating that we were submissive to his will, and 
requesting him to send us the Cardinal M. Gentile 
of Montefiore (6) to put us straight (7 ). That man 
(8), who, on the one hand, was using flattering 
words, and, on the other, was urging on the Prince 
against us, on finding out who was in the city 
(9), abandoned flattery and used threats (10). 

One of the ambassadors who was false (11) 
revealed the Pope's answer, which the Blacks 
could not otherwise have heard. Simone Gherardi 
(12) had written to them from Court that the Pope 
had said to him, " I am not going to destroy men 
for the sake of silly women" (13). Thereupon 
the Black Guelfs took counsel, thinking by reason 
of these words that the ambassadors had come to 
terms with the Pope, and said : " If they have 
come to terms we are undone." They determined 


to wait and see what course the Priors would take, 
saying : " If they answer * no,' we are dead men ; 
if they answer l yes,' let us draw the sword, so that 
we may get from them what we can" (14). And 
so they did. Immediately on hearing that the 
Priors (15) were submitting to the Pope, they 
armed themselves at once and began to attack the 
city with fire and sword, to consume and to waste 
the city (16). The Priors wrote to the Pope 
secretly, but the Black party knew all, inasmuch 
as those who had sworn secrecy had not observed 
it. The Black party had two officers (17) un- 
known outside [the party J, whose office lasted six 
months (18). One of them was NofFo Guidi (19), 
an iniquitous popolano and a pitiless man. For he 
acted in the worst manner for his city, and it was 
his habit to blame in public the things he did in 
secret and the doers of them. He was therefore 
held to be a person of good character, and he drew 
gain from evil doing. 

1. See II. 31. Corazza (breastplate) is a nickname. 
His real name was Guido d'Ubaldino Aldobrandinelli. He 
had been Gonfalonier in the Signory which held office from 
April 15 to June 15 in 1300. 

2. // quale ta?ito si riputava guelfo che appena credea che 
nell 'animo di ?iiuno fusse altro che spenta. This clause is 
very awkwardly constructed, and is complicated by a diffi- 
culty as to the reading. We have followed the reading and 
interpretation of Del Lungo. 

3. See II. 4 (at the end). 

4. The constitutional practice was for the reports of 
ambassadors to be laid at once before the Councils of the 
Commonwealth ; but, as this would have been highly dan- 
gerous in the present crisis, the Signory felt justified in 
holding over the report. Of course, when Dino speaks in 
the first person singular of the things done during his 
priorate, it must be understood (even when he does not 
expressly say so) that he was acting with the consent of his 


colleagues. It is clear from his narrative that he was the 
leading member of the Signory. 

5. Q?iesto signore, viz. the Pope. 

6. Gentile of Montefiore (a small place in the modern 
province of Ascoli Piceno) was a Franciscan ; he was 
created Cardinal by Boniface VIII. in 1298, and was for 
a long time legate in Hungary under Pope Clement V. 
He died at Avignon in 1312. 

7. The same expression in the same sense is used by 
Dante in Par. xxx. 137. 

8. I.e. the Pope. 

9. I.e. the forces at the disposal of Charles of Valois 
(see II. 9). 

10. The threats were probably addressed to the ambas- 
sador (Dante), who was still at Rome (II. 4, n. 9), on 
receipt of the letter sent by the Signory. 

11. Doubtless Minerbetti. 

12. See I. 21 (near the beginning). 

13. I.e. " it won't be worth my while to quarrel with the 
White Guelfs (who, after all, are in possession of Florence), 
unless you act like men, and lose no time in crushing 

14. The Black Guelfs were persuaded that the Pope had 
come to term's with the Whites. Arguing on this erroneous 
assumption, they came to the conclusion that whatever- 
answer the Signory might make to the Pope's summons 
to submit had been preconcerted with the Pope ; and they 
viewed the alternatives thus: "If the Signory says 'no,' 
i.e. declines to submit, on the ground that we, the Blacks, 
are not sincere in wishing for a peaceful settlement, the 
Pope will withdraw Charles's authority, or, worse still, will 
bid him side with the Whites, and we shall be undone. If 
the Signory says 'yes,' i.e. submits, the Pope will com- 
mission Charles to effect a genuine pacification, and our 
vengeance will elude us. In this case our only chance is 
to fight at once." 

15. Rettori. The word here obviously refers to the 
Priors, and is not used in its technical sense (see Ap- 
pendix II. p. 269). 

16. An anticipation in the narrative (see II. 15). 

17. Priori. 

18. I.e. these officers, whose existence was not generally 
known outside the party, were appointed every six months. 

19. The same person as Noffo di Guido Bonafedi, enume- 
rated among the conspirators against Giano della Bella 
in I. 14. 



Yielding- to outside pressure, the Signory decide to 
elect their successors at once from men of both 
parties. Dino Compagni is commissioned by 
his colleagues to proceed to the election ; but, in 
consequence of a demand by Noffo Guidi that 
the Blacks should preponderate in the new 
Signory, the election is not carried out (first 
days of November 1301). 

The Priors were being vehemently urged by the 
greater citizens to elect a new Signory. Although 
this was contrary to the Ordinances of Justice, 
because it was not yet the time to elect them (1), 
we agreed that they should be appointed, more out 
of compassion for the city than for any other cause. 
And I attended in the chapel of S. Bernard (2) on 
behalf of the whole Signory, where I had with me 
many of the most powerful of the popolani, because 
the election could not be made without them (3). 
These were Cione Magalotti, Segna Angiolini, 
and Noffo Guidi on behalf of the Black party ; 
M. Lapo Falconieri, Cece Canigiani, and Corazza 
Ubaldini on behalf of the White party (4). And 
in a conciliatory manner and with great tenderness 
I spoke to them of the deliverance of the city, 
saying : " I am going to make the new Signory a 
mixed one, since rivalry for office causes so much 
discord. " We [all]] agreed, and chose six im- 
partial (5) citizens, three from the Blacks and 
three from the Whites, We chose for the seventh 
(who could not be divided) a man of so little im- 


portance that no one mistrusted him. The names 
of these having been written down I laid them on 
the altar. Then NofFo Guidi spoke and said : " I 
will say something that will make thee think me 
a pitiless (6) citizen." And I told him to keep 
silence ; but yet he spoke, and had the arrogance 
to ask me that I would be pleased to make their 
party more numerous than the other in the [[newj 
Signory, which was as much as saying : " Destroy 
the other party," and putting me in Judas's place. 
And I answered him that before I committed such 
treason I would give my children to the dogs to eat. 
And thus (7) we departed from the assembly. 

1. See II. 10, n. 14. 

2. Previously to 1299 the Signory had had no fixed official 
residence, though the members of it were obliged to live 
together (see I. 4). At first they occupied the Abbey build- 
ings (I. 4, 7i. 6), and subsequently various other residences 
were rented for their use. Early in 1299 the Councils of 
the Commonwealth authorised the building of a palace for 
the Signory to dwell in ; and the existing Signory at once 
took possession of certain buildings purchased at the public 
expense, which formed the nucleus of the famous structure 
built by Arnolfo di Cambio (who began his work that very 
year) now known as the Palazzo Vecchio. It is uncertain 
whether the chapel adorned with frescoes by Ridolfo 
Ghirlandaio, now existing on the second floor of this building, 
is the same as the "chapel of S. Bernard" here mentioned 
by Dino, or whether the latter was situated in some other 
part of the pile. The houses of the Uberti were demolished 
to form the Piazza in front of the palace (Villani, viii. 26). 

3. See I. 11, n. 11. 

4. Only the most prominent among those present are 
mentioned by name. 

5. Comnni. See II. 9, n. 3. 

6. Crudele. Cf. II. 11, where Dino applies this epithet 
to Noffo Guidi. In the present passage the word is used in 
the special sense of pitiless to his native city. So again in 
II. 20 of Corso Donati. 

7. I.e. without having completed the election. The 
existing Signory therefore remained in office. 



Charles of Valois and the Blacks try to get the 
members of the Signory into their hands and 
murder them. The stratagem is foiled (Nov- 
ember 5, 1301). Measures taken by the Signory 
for the safety of the city (October 26-28). 

M. Charles of Valois often caused us to be invited 
to eat with him. We answered him that the law 
bound us by our oath so that we could not do it 
(which was true) (1), because between ourselves 
we thought that he would have detained us against 
our will. But yet one day he drew us from the 
palace, saying that he wished to hold a conference 
at Santa Maria Novella outside the city for the 
welfare of the citizens, and might it please the 
Signory to be present. Since to refuse would have 
shown too much suspicion, we decided that three 
of us should go there and the others should remain 
in the palace. M. Charles caused his men to be 
armed, and set them to guard the city at the gates, 
both within and without, since his false counsellors 
told him that he would not be able to get back 
into the city (2), and that the gate would be shut 
against him. And under this pretext they had 
wickedly intended, if the whole Signory had gone 
there, to kill us outside the gate and make them- 
selves masters of the city. But they did not suc- 
ceed in this, because not more than three £of the 
Signory] went there ; and to them he said nothing, 
being a man who did not want to talk, but to kill (3). 
Many citizens sorrowed for us on account of that 


journey, for it seemed to them that they (sic) were 
going to martyrdom. And when they returned, 
those citizens praised God that He had saved them 
from death. 

Pressure was put on the Signory from all sides. 
The good citizens told them to look well to them- 
selves and to their city ; the wicked ones harassed 
them with difficulties (4) ; so that amid the ques- 
tions and answers the day wore away : M. Charles's 
barons took up their time with long speeches. 
Thus they lived in distress. 

One day a holy man came to us secretly and by 
stealth (5), begging us not to tell his name, and 
said, " Sirs, ye are coming into great tribulation, 
and your city also. Send to bid the Bishop make 
a procession, and charge him that it go not across 
the Arno. Then a great part of the danger will 
cease." This was a man of holy life and great 
abstinence and of great renown, by name Friar 
Benedict. We followed his counsel, and many 
derided us, saying that it would be better to 
sharpen our weapons. 

We passed through the Councils strict and severe 
laws (6), and we gave the Magistrates full powers 
against any who might cause any affray or tumult ; 
and we imposed personal penalties, and ordered the 
block and the axe to be put in the Piazza to punish 
malefactors and any who should disobey. We in- 
creased the authority of the Captain of War, M, 
Schiatta Cancellieri (7), and encouraged him to do 
well ; though it was of no avail, for the messengers, 
servants, and Serjeants betrayed him. And the 
Priors discovered that twenty of their Serjeants were 
to receive 1000 florins for killing them ; whereupon 


they put the conspirators out of the palace. They 
tried very hard to defend the city from the wicked- 
ness of their adversaries ; but nothing availed, 
because they took peaceable measures, whereas 
their measures should have been prompt and severe. 
Gentleness is of no avail against great wickedness. 

1. The provisions of the Ordinances of Justice, with regard 
to the seclusion of the Priors during the term of office, were 
very strict. 

2. I.e. after the conference at S. Maria Novella. 

3. There is again an anticipation of the narrative here. 
What actually happened at the conference is related in II. 17. 
G. Villani (viii. 49) says that the Priors and the Magistrates 
were present in S. Maria Novella, and adds that he was 
there himself ; but in view of the express statement of Dino, 
himself a Prior, it must be understood that only three of the 
Priors were present. Villani, then a young man, was a 
mere spectator, while Dino was one of the principals in the 

4. Questions, i.e. vexatious, embarrassing questions. 

5. Lit. "closed" (ckiuso). Cf. Inf. xxv. 147. 

6. There is here a retrogression in the narrative (see II. 
10, n. 1). 

7. See I. 27. 


Military preparations of the Blacks. Feebleness 
of the Whites (1st to 3rd November 1301). 

The citizens belonging to the Black party spoke 
defiantly, saying : " We have the Prince with 
us ; the Pope is our protector ; our adversaries are 
equipped neither for war nor for peace ( 1 ) ; they 
have no money ; their mercenaries are not paid." 
They themselves had set in order everything need- 
ful for war so as to gather all their allies within 
the Sesto of Oltrarno, where they had determined 


to station the forces from Siena, Perugia, Lucca, 
Sanminiato, Volterra, and Sangimignano. They 
had corrupted all the neighbours (2) ; and had 
designed to hold the bridge at S. Trinita, and to 
erect on the two palaces (3) an engine for casting 
stones. They had also summoned many auxiliaries 
(4) from the places around, and all who had been 
banished from Florence. 

The White Guelfs durst not place soldiers in 
their houses, because the Priors threatened to 
punish them and any others who should gather 
together bodies of armed men ; and thus they kept 
friends and foes in fear. But the friends should 
not have believed that their friends [the Priors]] 
would have put them to death for making prepara- 
tions to save their city, even though that order had 
been given ( 5 ) . However, it was not so much from 
fear of the law as from avarice that they neglected 
[to arm themselves], for it had been said to M. 
Torrigiano de' Cerchi : " Provide for your defence, 
and tell your friends to do the same " (6). 

1. Not for war, because of their military weakness ; not 
for peace, because of their disunion (see especially II. 
6, n. 8 ; II. 8, 10). 

2. The word "neighbours" is here used in a special 
sense. The reference is to the practice of a number of 
citizens occupying neighbouring houses, and forming a 
neighbourhood (vicinanza) to club together and maintain a 
tower for their common defence in case of a civil war (see 
Villani, v. 9). These towers were known as the Towers of 
the neighbourhood (Torri delle vicinanze), or of the com- 
panies (Torri delle compagnie), to distinguish them from 
similar towers maintained by single families (Torri delle 
famiglie). The meaning of the passage therefore is, that 
the Blacks had taken measures to ensure that the members 
or " neighbours" composing these Tower Clubs should be 
on their side in the coming fight. 


3. See II. g, n. 12. 

4. Villani, i.e. irregular troops [cf. I. io, n. 8). 

5. The stringent regulations for the preservation of peace 
within the city (see preceding chapter) were not intended 
to prevent the Whites from taking measures to defend the 
city against the forces of Charles of Valois and the Blacks. 

6. See II. 21. Torrigiano de' Cerchi was one of the 
heads of the White party (I. 21, 23). 


The beginning of bloodshed : the Medici assault 
and wound a popolano, but the Podesta 
and Gonfalonier fail to take action under the 
Ordinances of Justice. The Signory send for 
the militia from the Contado. The streets of 
Florence barricaded (4th November 1301). 

The Blacks, knowing that their enemies were 
cowardly and had lost their energy, hastened to 
seize the city, and one Saturday, the ... of 
November ( 1 ) they made ready their mail-clad 
horses, and began to carry out what they had 
planned. The Medici, powerful popolani (2), 
assaulted and wounded a worthy popolano, called 
Orlanduccio Oriandi, by day, after vespers (3), 
and left him for dead. The popolani armed them- 
selves, horse and foot, and came to the Priors* 
palace (4) ; and a worthy citizen, called Catellina 
Raffacani, said : " Sirs, ye are betrayed ; night is 
coming on ; delay not ; send for the militia of the 
Contado ( 5 ) ; and to-morrow at dawn light against 
your adversaries." The Podesta did not send his 
officials to the offender's house, neither did the 
Gonfalonier of Justice stir to punish the outrage, 
because he had ten days' time Qo wait]]. 


The militia were sent for, and they came and 
displayed their banners ; and then secretly went 
over to the side of the Black party, and to the 
Commonwealth they offered not their service (6). 
There was no one to exhort the popolani to 
assemble at the palace of the Signory, though the 
Gonfalon of Justice was at the windows (7). 
The hired soldiers came thither, for they were 
not corrupted, and so did other popolani (8), who, 
as they stood by the palace, armed, produced some 
effect (9). Other citizens also, friends [of the 
White party]], came thither on foot and on horse- 
back, and some enemies came to see how things 
would turn out. 

The Priors, unused to war, [were] kept busy 
by many who desired audience ; and in a short 
time night fell (10). The Podesta did not send 
his officials there (n), nor did he arm himself ; 
he abandoned his duty to the Priors ; whereas he 
had the power to go armed to the offender's house 
with weapons, fire, and implements of destruction. 
The assembled popolani gave no counsel (12). 
M. Schiatta Cancellieri, the Captain, did not come 
forward and busy himself in opposing the enemy, 
because he was a man fitter for repose and peace 
than for war (13); though it was commonly said 
that he boasted he would kill M. Charles. But 
this was not true. When night was come the 
people began to depart, and they strengthened 
their houses by blocking the streets with barricades 
of wood, so that people might not pass along. 

1. The date is left blank in all the MSS., but it must 
have been the 4th. 

2. I.e. popolani who were Magnates in the statutory sense 


(see I. ii, n. 8; I. 13, n. 1). This seems to be the first 
historic mention of the Medici. 

3. I.e. towards evening (see Conv. iv. 23 : 130 n.). 

4. This was in accordance with the Ordinances of Justice, 
which enjoined that when a popolano had been murdered by 
a Magnate the shops were to be shut, and the popolani were 
to arm themselves and remain under arms until justice 
should have been done on the offender. The duties enjoined 
by the Ordinances on the Podesta and the Gonfalonier in this 
case were as follows : The Podesta, with the privity of the 
Gonfalonier, was to summon the armed force of the Gon- 
falonier (see I. 11, n. 5), and was to send with him certain 
officials of his own household (see I. 16, 71. 4) to assist in the 
execution of the sentence. The Gonfalonier was to proceed 
with his force and with the Podestas officials to the abode 
of the offender, and demolish his houses and lay waste his 
goods. The Podesta and Gonfalonier were bound to act in 
the business with the utmost despatch. In the present case 
it is important to bear .in mind that it was at first taken for 
granted that Orlandi had been killed, and Dino in blaming 
the Podesta and Gonfalonier for their remissness (as he does 
below in this chapter), implies that they showed disloyalty to 
the government in not taking action against the offender 
immediately on being informed that the victim was dead, 
even though the fact, afterwards discovered, that he had 
only been wounded made it illegal for them to proceed 
to demolish the offender's house until after ten days had 
elapsed without the prescribed fine having been paid. 

5. Le vicarie, i.e. the forces commanded by the Vicars 
(see II. 7, n. 9) of the Contado, including the irregular 
troops or militia of the country districts (see I. 21, ?i. 8). 

6. An anticipation in the narrative. The militia did not 
arrive till later (see II. 17). 

7. It was the business of the Podesta to summon the 
forces of the Gonfalonier (see n. 2). 

8. Not the Gonfalonier's forces, of course, but other 

9. Lit. "were followed to some extent," i.e. somewhat 
reassured the panic-stricken Whites. 

10. This sentence, unusually concise, even for Dino, needs 
some expansion in order to be understood. The meaning 
apparently is that the Priors had sent for the militia, as 
they had been advised, and made up their minds to fight, 
but, being inexperienced in military matters, consumed so 
long a time in seeing people and giving orders about the 
necessary steps to be taken, that night came on before they 
had finished their business. 


ii. I.e. to the houses of the Medici (see n. 4). The 
Podesta was M. Tebaldo of Montelupone. 

12. The meaning seems to be that the Priors in their 
extremity called upon the popolani who had gathered at 
the palace to deliberate with them on the situation, but in 

13. See I. 27. 


The Magnates of the Black and White parties 
come to an understanding. This weakens 
the Signory (a) by depriving them of the 
support of the Magnates of their own party ; 
(b) by taking all heart out of their Ghibelline 
supporters (November 1-4, 1301). 

M, Manetto Scali (in whom the White party 
had great confidence, since he was strong in friends 
and adherents) began to fortify his palace, and 
made engines there for casting stones. The Spini 
had their great palace opposite his and had taken 
steps to fortify themselves (1), for they well knew 
that they would need to make a stand there on 
account of the great power which they judged the 
House of the Scali to possess. 

Within the said time (2) the said parties began 
to work fresh guile (3), for friendly words passed 
between them. The Spini said to the Scali, 
" Come now, why do we act thus ? We are, after 
all, friends and kinsmen, and we are all Guelfs ; 
we have no other purpose than to lift from our 
necks the chain which the people (4) lays on you 
and us ; and we shall [then] be greater than we are 


[now]. Help, for God's sake ! let us be one, as 
we ought to be." 

And thus the Buondelmonti behaved toward the 
Gherardini, and the Bardi to the Mozzi, and M. 
Rosso della Tosa to Baschiera his kinsman ; and 
thus did many others behave (5). Those who 
listened to such words were moved in their hearts 
through love for their party (6). Wherefore their 
followers (7) lost heart. The sight of this [recon- 
ciliation] made the Ghibellines believe that they 
were being deceived and betrayed by those in 
whom they trusted (8), and they were all filled 
with consternation. And thus it happened that 
few people, save certain craftsmen to whom [the 
Priors ~J had committed the guard [of their palace], 
remained out of doors (9). 

1. The importance of the position will be made plain by 
a reference to II. g, n. 12, and II. 14. 

2. The concluding sentences of this chapter seem to 
imply that the negotiations about to be described took place 
in the afternoon and evening of the same day (Nov. 4) on 
which the events of the preceding chapter occurred. 

3. The Black Magnates acted with " guile," because their 
only object was to get possession of the city ; the Whites 
because they were betraying their own cause, 

4. The "people" are, of course, the popolani (see I. 4, 
n. 2). The "chain" denotes in particular the Ordinances 
of Justice. 

5. Cf. the lists of the adherents of the two parties in 

I. 21, 22. 

6. I.e. the White Magnates who listened to the overtures 
of the Black Magnates were moved by a desire to heal the 
breach in the Guelf party. 

7. I.e. the White popolani. 

8. See I. 20, n. 7 ; I. 22. 

9. Cf. end of preceding chapter. 



Charles of Valois demands that the custody of the 
city shall be made over to him ; and his officers 
pledge his word that he will exercise his 
authority at the pleasure of the Signory ; where- 
upon Charles admits the banished members of 
the Black party. Helpless position of the 
Signory (November 5, 1301). 

The barons of M. Charles and the wicked knight 
M. Mucciatto Franzesi (1) were always about the 
Priors, saying that the custody of the city and its 
gates, and especially of the Sesto of Oltrarno, should 
be left to them ; that the custody of that Sesto 
belonged to their Prince (2), and that he would 
have the evil-doers (3) severely punished. And 
beneath this [pretext] they hid their wickedness, 
for their object was to acquire greater authority (4) 
in the city. 

The keys were denied to M. Charles, but the 
gates of Oltrarno were committed to his charge ; 
and the Florentines were removed from them 
and the French placed there in their stead. 
And M. Guglielmo, the Chancellor (5), and the 
Marshal of M. Charles made oath before (6) me, 
Dino, who received the oath on behalf of the 
Commonwealth ; and they pledged me the faith of 
their lord, that he would take upon himself the 
custody of the city and keep and hold it at the 
pleasure of the Signory. And never did I believe 
that so great a prince, and one of the Royal House 
of France, would break his faith ; whereas but a 


small part of the following night had passed when, 
by the gate which we had committed to his custody, 
he admitted Gherarduccio Buondelmonti, who had 
been banished, accompanied by many other banished 
citizens (7). Application was made to the Priors 
by a worthy popolano named Aglione di Giova 
Aglioni, who said, " Sirs, it will be well to cause 
the gate at San Brancazio (8) to be more strongly 
fortified," He was answered that he might cause 
the gate to be strengthened as seemed fitting to him ; 
and they sent the masons thither with their banner. 
The Tornaquinci, a powerful family (9), who 
were well provided with retainers and friends, 
assaulted the said masons, wounded them, and put 
them to flight ; some foot-soldiers also who were 
in the towers (10) abandoned them through fear. 
The Priors, therefore, on hearing this news and 
that, perceived that they could find no remedy (11). 
And this they [also] learnt from one who was 
arrested at night going about disguised as a seller of 
spices, summoning (12) the powerful Houses (13) 
£and]] warning them to arm themselves before 

And so all their hope failed ; and they decided, 
when the militia of the Contado (14) should have 
come to their aid, to undertake the defence [of the 
city]. But this plan miscarried ; for the worth- 
less militia abandoned them, and concealed their 
flags, breaking them off from the poles ; and their 
servants (15) betrayed them; while the noblemen 
from Lucca, who had been robbed by the Bordoni 
and had had the houses where they were lodging 
taken from them, departed and would not trust 
themselves [to remain in the city] (16); and many 


of the hired soldiers deserted to the service of their 
adversaries. The Podesta did not take up arms, 
but exerted himself to aid M. Charles Valois with 

i. See II. 4, n. 2. 

I. On the ground that he had fixed his residence there 
(see II. 9, n. 12). 

3. I.e. with special reference to the attack by the Medici 
on Orlandi (II. 15). 

4. Piu giuridizione. 

5. See II. 6, n. 3. 

6. Lit. "into the hands of." This scene took place at 
S. Maria Novella (see II. 13, n. 3). 

7. See I. 24, n. 6. 

8. The ancient church of S. Pancras [Brancazio is a cor- 
ruption of Pancrazid) gave its name to one of the gates in 
the old walls (the cerchia antica of Par. xv. 97), which at 
the time of which Dino is writing had long since dis- 
appeared. The gate corresponding to it in the "second 
circle" of walls (which were still existing) was called 
S. Paul's Gate {Porta di S. Paolo), and this is the gate 
which Dino here refers to ; but the old association of a gate 
with S. Pancras' Church still apparently survived in popular 
language. The gate was a little to the south of the modern 
Piazza di S. Maria Novella. The church also gave its 
name to one of the Sesti or Sestieri into which Florence 
was divided (I. 4, n. 5). 

9. They were Magnates of the Black party, and their 
houses were close to the " gate at S. Pancras." 

10. The " towers" are the towers on the walls and gates 
of the city. The "foot-soldiers" were probably the mer- 
cenaries from Romagna mentioned in II. 24, under the 
command of Baschiera Tosinghi. 

II. I.e. that they must give up all hope of controlling the 
Blacks and enforcing the supremacy of the laws. 

12. Invitando : elsewhere used in the technical sense of 
summoning troops (I. 25 ; II. 14). 

13. I.e. the families of Magnates and popolani of the 
Black party. 

14. See II. 15, n. 5. 
iS- Cf. II. 13. 

16. One is surprised that the Signory should have looked 
for help in this quarter (see II. 9 ; I. 21) ; but it is clear 


that the nobles from Lucca must in some way have led the 
Signory to count on their support. The fact that the 
Lucchese were attacked by the Bordoni, a family of Black 
popolani, points the same way. 


Treacherous manoeuvres of the Blacks. Corso 
Donati forces his way into the city. The 
chiefs of both parties sent as hostages to 
Charles, who releases the Blacks and keeps 
the Whites prisoners (November 6, 1301). 

The day following the barons of M. Charles and 
M. Cante of Gubbio (1), and several others, came 
to the Priors to occupy their time arid energy 
with long speeches. They swore that their Prince 
deemed himself to have been betrayed (2), and 
that he was ordering his knights to arm them- 
selves, and they trusted it might be the Priors' 
pleasure that ample vengeance should be taken. 
They said : " Hold it for certain that if our 
Prince is not minded to avenge the misdeed as 
you would have it avenged (3), you may cut 
off our heads." And the Podesta, who came 
from M. Charles's house, said the same, ^addingj 
that he had heard him swear with his own mouth 
that he would have M. Corso Donati hanged. 
The latter, who had been outlawed, had entered 
Florence in the morning (4) with twelve com- 
panions, coming from Ognano (5). He had 
crossed the Arno, and gone along the walls as 
far as S. Piero Maggiore, which place had been 
left unguarded by his adversaries, and entered the 
city like a bold and fearless knight (6). M. Charles 


did not swear the truth, since it was with his know- 
ledge that M. Corso came. 

M. Corso having entered Florence, the Whites 
were warned of his arrival, and they v/ent against 
him with what force they could. But those who 
were fully armed and mounted durst not resist 
him ; the others, seeing themselves abandoned, 
drew back (7), so that M. Corso took the houses 
of the Corbizzi by S. Piero without opposition, 
and placed his own banners upon them (8) ; and he 
broke open the prisons, so that the prisoners came 
out of them ; and many people followed with a large 
force. The Cerchi took refuge in their own houses, 
remaining there with closed doors. Those who 
were bringing so much evil to pass (9) set to 
work with guile, and converted [~to their side J 
M. Schiatta Cancellieri, and M. Lapo Sal- 
terelli ( 1 o), who came to the Priors and said : 
" Sirs, ye see that M. Charles is very angry, and 
desires that the vengeance taken be ample, and that 
the Commonwealth remain supreme. And there- 
fore we think that the most powerful men of 
both parties should be chosen and sent to him 
as hostages ( 1 1 ) ; and then let the very greatest 
vengeance be executed/' These words were far 
from the truth. M. Lapo wrote the names : 
M. Schiatta commanded all whose names were 
written to go to M. Charles for the greater tran- 
quillity of the city. The Blacks went with con- 
fidence, the Whites with fear ; M. Charles placed 
them under guard ; the Blacks he allowed to 
depart, but the Whites he kept prisoners that 
night, without straw and without mattresses, like 


O good King Louis (12), thou who so fearedst 
God, where is the faith of the Royal House of 
France, fallen through evil counsel, fearing not 
shame ? O wicked counsellors who have made 
a Prince of such high dignity (13) not QonlyJ a 
hireling but an assassin, imprisoning citizens wrong- 
fully, breaking his faith, and dishonouring the name 
of the Royal House of France ! 

Master Roger, sworn j^clerkj to that house (14), 
said to M. Charles, when he came to Master Roger's 
convent : " Under thee a noble city is perishing ! " 
to whom M. Charles answered that he knew nothing 
about it. 

1. See II. 9, n. 6. 

2. By the Blacks ; referring to the outrage committed 
by the Medici against Orlandi (II. 15), the attack by the 
Tornaquinci on the masons (II. 17), and the return of the 
banished citizens (II. 17 and the present chapter). 

3. I.e. under the Ordinances of Justice, the reference 
being to the outrage on Orlandi. 

4. I.e. the morning of the previous day, Sunday, Novem- 
ber 5 (see I. 23 ; I. 24, n. 6). 

5. A village on the left bank of the Arno, a few miles 
west of Florence, now known as S. Stefano a Ugnano. 

6. Corso Donati, after crossing over to the right bank of 
the Arno, worked his way northward and eastward along 
the city walls and forced the gate of Pinti [cf. G. Villani, viii. 
49), also known by the name of S. Peter's Gate [Porta di 
S. Piero), formerly borne by a corresponding gate in the 
'* first circle " of walls (see II. 17, ?i. 8), which gate gave 
its name to the Sesto of Porta (Por) S. Piero. The effect of 
Corso's entrance was that the eastern part of the city fell 
into the hands of the Blacks, who had also secured the 
west [Sesto di'S. Pancrazio) and the south [Sesto d'Oltrarno) 
(see II. 17). 

7. Those who were "fully armed and mounted" [bene 
a cavallo) were Magnates and popolani ; the others were 
people of lower station. 

8. He seized the houses of the Corbizzi because his own 
(which were in that same Sesto) had been destroyed (I. 23 ; 
I. 24, n. 6). 


9. I.e. the Blacks. 

10. Cf. II. 15 ; II. 10, n. 9. 

11. I.e. so as to ensure that no excesses should be com- 
mitted by either party. 

12. St. Louis IX., king of France from 1226 to 1270, and 
paternal grandfather of Charles of Valois. 

13. // sangue di si alta corona. 

14. " Master" was the title given to doctors of divinity. 
The ' ' sworn clerks " of a prince were a kind of ecclesi- 
astical advisers, or state theologians, employed in matters 
where the relations between Church and State were in- 


The Priors, after a last fruitless appeal to the 
Popolani, resign office, and their successors, 
all members of the Black party, are appointed 
(November 7). Six days of anarchy and pillage 
in the city (November 4-9, 1301). 

The leaders of the White party being thus kept 
prisoners, the dismayed popolani began to lament. 
The Priors commanded the great bell which was 
on their palace to be sounded, although it was of 
no use, since the popolani) being dismayed, did not 
assemble. From the houses of the Cerchi not a 
man came out armed either on horseback or on 
foot. M. Goccia and M. Bindo Adimari and 
their brothers and sons alone came to the palace ; 
and as no one else came, they returned home, and 
the piazza remained deserted. 

In the evening (1) a marvellous sign appeared in 
the sky, namely, a bright red cross above the Priors' 
palace. Its beams were more than a span and a 
half in width, the length of the one line appeared 
to be 20 cubits, that of the tranverse line a little 


less. This appearance lasted during such time as 
a horse would take to run twice in the tilt (2). 
Wherefore the people who saw it, and I who 
clearly saw it, might understand that God was 
greatly angered against our city (3). 

The men who feared their adversaries (4) hid 
themselves in their friends' houses. One enemy 
attacked another ; houses began to be burnt ; rob- 
beries were committed ; and furniture was removed 
to the houses of the poorer inhabitants (5). The 
Black Magnates demanded money from the Whites ; 
maidens were married by force ; men were slain. 
And when a house was burning fiercely, M. Charles 
would ask, " What fire is that ? " and he was told 
that it was a cottage when it was a rich palace. 
And this evil-doing lasted six days (6), for so it 
was planned. The Contado was burning on every 

The Priors, out of compassion for the city, 
seeing the wrong-doing increasing, called on many 
powerful popolani for help, praying them for God's 
sake to have compassion on their city. But they 
would do nothing ; and therefore the Priors re- 
signed their office. 

The new Priors entered office on the 8th of 
November 1301. They were Baldo Ridolfi, 
Duccio di Gherardino Magalotti, Neri di M. 
Jacopo Ardinghelli, Ammannato di Rota Bec- 
canugi, M. Andrea of Cerreto, Ricco di Ser (7), 
Compagno degli Albizzi and Tedice Manovelli, 
Gonfalonier of Justice, all popolani of the worst 
stamp, and powerful in their party. And they made 
laws that the outgoing Priors might not assemble 
in any place on pain of death (8). And when the 


six lawful (9) days ordained for robbery were ful- 
filled, they elected as Podesta M. Cante Gabrielli 
of Gubbio, who redressed many evils and dealt 
with many charges brought, to many of which he 
consented (10). 

1. The evening of Monday, Nov. 6, when Charles kept 
the White hostages prisoners. 

2. A correre due aringhi, i.e. within the lists [aringhi) in 
a tournament. 

3. See Conv. ii. 14, 176^ 

4. I.e. the Whites. 

5. Viz. from the houses of the wealthy, with a view to its 
greater security. 

6. Nov. 4-9 inclusive. Cf. G. Villani, viii. 49. 

7. See I. 14, n. 9. 

8. On the 7th Nov. the Council of the Hundred Men (see 
Appendix II.) had passed an Act (afterwards, probably on 
the same day, passed by the other councils also) appointing 
the new Signory (which was to hold office during the remain- 
ing period of the term of the outgoing Signory, viz. till Dec. 
15), and conferred on them full powers of government. In 
the Act a special proviso was inserted, enabling all or any of 
the members of the outgoing Signory and their Notary to 
meet together wherever they pleased during their successors' 
term of office. Almost the first thing the new Signory did in 
virtue of the full powers conferred on them was to repeal this 
proviso, as Dino here tells us. The premature election of 
the first Black Signory may perhaps be alluded to in Purg. 
vi. 143-144. 

9. Di titih. A technical phrase in law and commerce 
which Dino here ironically applies to the licensed pillage 
instituted by the victorious Blacks. 

10. // quale riparb a molti mali e a molte accuse fatte, e 
molte ne consent!. The meaning appears to be that while the 
new Podesta in his judicial capacity redressed some of the 
more monstrous wrongs committed during the six days of 
anarchy, or at least attempted to clothe them with some 
semblance of legality, he gave favourable audience to accu- 
sations made by the Blacks, and laid a heavy hand on the 



Description of the Black leader Corso Donati. Ex- 
cesses committed by Charles of Valois and the 
Black Magnates (November 1301). 

A knight, after the likeness of Catilina the Roman, 
but more pitiless than he, of gentle blood and 
handsome person, pleasant of speech, adorned by 
courteous manners, a man of subtle wit, with a 
mind always intent on evil-doing (who had a great 
retinue and round whom many adherents gathered), 
caused many acts of arson and robbery to be com- 
mitted, and wrought great damage to the Cerchi 
and their friends. Much wealth did he gain, and 
to a great height did he rise. This was M. Corso 
Donati, who, on account of his pride, was called the 
Baron ; and when he passed through the city many 
would shout, " Long live the Baron ! " and it 
seemed as if the city belonged to him. Led 
on by vainglory he rendered many services [to his 

M. Charles of Valois, a prince given to lavish 
and ill-regulated expenditure, must needs [at last] 
disclose his wicked intention (1), and he began to 
try to get money from the citizens. He caused to 
be cited before him the former Priors whom he had 
distinguished so highly, and invited to eat with him, 
and to whom he had promised on his faith and by 
his sealed letters (2), not to overthrow the rights of 
the city nor to transgress the municipal laws. He 
wished to get money from them by charging them 
with having opposed his passage (2), and taken on 


themselves the office of peacemaker (3), and injured 
the Guelf party, and with having begun to build for- 
tifications at Poggibonsi (2) contrary to the honour 
of the king of France and his own. Thus he 
persecuted them in order to get money. And 
Baldo Ridolfi, one of the new Priors, played the 
mediator, and said, " Ye would surely sooner give 
him of your money than go prisoners into Apulia " 
(4). They gave none ; for [M. Charles] was so 
increasingly blamed throughout the city, that he 
let them alone. 

There was in Florence a rich popolano of great 
goodness, called by name Rinuccio di Senno 
Rinucci, who had paid much honour to M. Charles 
at a beautiful estate of his, when M. Charles was 
going out fowling with his barons. This man he 
caused to be seized, and imposed on him a ransom 
of 4000 florins, without which he would send 
him prisoner into Apulia. At the prayers of his 
friends, however, he released him for 800 florins. 
And in similar ways he extorted much money. 

The Donati, the Rossi, the Tornaquinci, and 
the Bostichi wrought grievous mischief; many 
popolani (5) did they violently oppress and plunder. 
And especially the sons of Corteccione Bostichi (6) ; 
they had undertaken to guard the goods of one of 
their friends, a rich popolano called Geri Rossoni, 
from whom they received 100 florins for guarding 
them ; and when the money was paid they robbed 
him of the goods. On Geri's complaining of this, 
their father told him that he would, in exchange 
for his property, give him so much of his own land 
as would satisfy him ; and proposed to give him 
(Geri) an estate which he had at S. Sepolcro (7) 


that was worth more than what they had deprived 
him of. But when Corteccione wanted the excess 
value in ready money, Geri answered, " So you want 
me to give you money in order that your sons may 
take the land away from me ? (8). This I will not 
do, for it would be poor amends/' And thus the 
affair ended. These Bostichi did very many evil 
things, and persisted in them for long (9). They 
punished men with the rope at their own houses, 
which were situated in the New Market in the 
midst of the city, and they put them to the torture 
at midday. And it was commonly said throughout 
the city, " There are many courts here " (10) : and 
in counting the places where torture was applied, 
men said, " At the houses of the Bostichi in the 

1. Viz. not to act as a peacemaker, but to oppress the 
White Guelfs and extort money from them. 

2. See II. 7, 17. 

3. I.e. he accused them of having tried to settle the govern- 
ment of the city (see, for instance, II. 12), independently of 
the authority committed to him by the Pope. 

4. I.e. the dominions of Charles's kinsman, Charles the 
Lame (see I. 7, n. 6). 

5. Molta gente. Gente here, as elsewhere, seems to be 
used as synonymous with popo la ni. 

6. Corteccione is a nickname. Its derivation, from cor- 
teccia (bark), suggests a person of rough exterior. The 
Bostichi occur in Cacciaguida's enumeration of the great 
families of ancient Florence in Par. xvi. 93. 

7. A village close to Florence. 

8. Even as they had already robbed him of his goods. 

9. I.e. beyond the six "lawful" days (II. 19, n. 9). 

10. There is a play on court = courtyard, and court = 



The victorious Blacks oppress and plunder their 
enemies. Dino's apology for the conduct of 
himself and his colleagues in the last White 

Many shameful wrongs were done : maidens were 
outraged, wards were robbed ; helpless men were 
spoiled of their property and driven out of the 
city (i). 

And [the Blacks]] took whatever measures they 
pleased in whatever manner and to whatever extent 
they pleased. Many people were accused, and were 
obliged to confess that they had made a conspiracy 
which they had not made, and were each con- 
demned to pay iooo florins. Those who did not 
defend themselves were accused (2) and condemned 
for contumacy in person and property. Those 
who submitted (3) paid [the fine], and then, accused 
of new offences, were driven from Florence without 
any mercy. 

Many treasures were hidden in secret places ; 
within a few days many changed their tone (4) ; 
many insults were uttered, and most unjustly, 
against the former Priors, even by those who 
shortly before had cried them up : these men 
bitterly reviled them to please their adversaries (5) : 
and they endured many annoyances. But those 
who spoke ill of them lied, since they were all 
disposed to the common good and the honour 
of the Republic ; but fighting would have been 
useless, because their adversaries were full of hope : 


God was favouring them ; the Pope was helping 
them ; they had M. Charles for a champion ; 
they did not dread their enemies. And so, partly 
through fear and partly through greed, the Cerchi 
made no preparations ; and they were the leaders 
in the discord (6). They, by refusing to feed the 
hired troops (7), and by their cowardly conduct, 
failed to take any measures of defence and protec- 
tion against their overthrow (8) ; and, when blamed 
and reproved for this slackness, they answered that 
they feared the laws (9). But this was untrue, 
for when M. Torrigiano de' Cerchi came to 
the Priors to know how to act, he was urged 
by them in my presence to provide and prepare 
himself for defence, and to tell our other friends 
[to do the same] ; and to play the man. They 
did not do so, for their hearts failed them 
through cowardice ; wherefore their adversaries 
took courage from this, and grew bold. That is 
why [the Priors] gave the keys of the city to 
M. Charles. 

1. It is to be understood that the oppression of the 
Whites by the Blacks extended for several months after the 
nominal restoration of order at the end of the six days of 

2. I.e. were charged with contumacy because they had 
ignored the proceedings against them. 

3. I.e. who made an appearance to answer the charges 
brought against them. It is implied that their defence was 

4. I.e. turned their coats. 

5. I.e. to please the victorious Blacks. 

6. I.e. the leaders of the White party. 

7. Del Lungo considers that there is a reference here to 
the difficulty about paying the mercenaries mentioned below 
(see II. 24, at the end). If so, we must take it that the Priors 
applied for the money to the Cerchi in the first instance, 


and on their refusal were reduced to borrowing ioo florins 
from Baldoni Angelotti. 

8. Niuna difesa ne riparo feciono nella loro cacciata. 

9. See IT. 14. 


Dino apostrophises individually and collectively 
the citizens responsible for the "destruction" 
of Florence. 

O wicked citizens, workers of the destruction 
of your city, to what a pass have ye brought 
her ! And thou, Ammannato di Rota Beccanugi, 
traitorous citizen, who didst iniquitously address 
thyself to the Priors, and with menaces didst 
procure that the keys should be given up (1), 
behold to what a pass your evil doings (2) have 
brought us ! 

O thou Donato Alberti (3), who madest the 
citizens' lives a weariness to them, where are 
[now] thy arrogant dealings — thou who didst hide 
thyself in a mean kitchen of Nuto Marignolli \ 
And thou Nuto, provost and elder of thy Sesto (4), 
who sufferedst thyself to be deceived through thy 
zeal for the Guelf party ! (5). 

O M. Rosso della Tosa, glut thy great 
soul ! (6) Thou who, in order to have the pre- 
eminence, saidst that thy share was great, and didst 
shut out thy brothers from their shares ! (7). 

O M. Geri Spioi, glut thy soul ! root out the 
Cerchi, in order that thou mayest live securely in 
thy perfidy ! (8). 

O M. Lapo Salterelli, menacing and beating 
the Magistrates who did not truckle to thee in 


thy law-suits (9), where didst thou arm thee ? In 
the house of the Pulci (10), lying hid ! 

O M. Berto Frescobaldi, who madest such a 
show of friendship for the Cerchi, and didst 
constitute thyself a mediator in the strife, because 
thou hadst borrowed 12,000 florins from them (11), 
where didst thou repay them ? [or] where didst 
thou enter an appearance ? (12). 

O M. Manetto Scali, who desiredst to be 
thought so great and terrible, believing that thou 
wouldst lord it for all time (13), where didst thou 
seize thy weapons ? where is thy retinue ? where 
are those mail-clad horses ? Thou sufferedst 
thyself to be overcome by those who, compared 
with thee, were in nowise feared ! 

O ye popolani who longed for office and were 
greedy of dignities (14), and took possession of 
the Magistrates' palaces (15). Wherein lay the 
defence ye made [against the enemy] ? In lies, 
in feigning and dissembling, in blaming friends and 
praising foes, [and that] only that ye might [your- 
selves] escape ! Weep therefore over yourselves 
and your city ! 

1. Cf. II. 17. 

2. Note the change from second person singular to second 
person plural. Dino seems to regard Ammannato as in 
some sort personifying his colleagues. Ammannato was 
one of the new Priors (II, 19). 

3. Called in I. 12 and II. 25 Donato di M. Alberto 
Ristori, in I. 20 Donato Ristori, and in II. 30, as here, 
Donato Alberti. The surname Alberti comes from 
Donato's father ; the surname Ristori from some other 

4. On the establishment of the popular government in 
1250 {popolo vecchio) a civic militia was set on foot which was 
divided into twenty companies {cf. below, III. 4, n. 4), each 


with its own Gonfalon and Gonfalonier (see G. Villani, vi. 
40). The Gonfaloniers of the companies (at the time of 
which Dino is speaking) on their appointment chose two 
out of their number to bear rule over the rest with the title 
of provost [proposto). They held office for two months at a 
time, and were chosen in rotation from the Sesti grouped 
in pairs. The provosts of the Gonfaloniers were also known 
as elders [anziani) : they must not be confounded with the 
"elders" or "ancients," who in 1250 formed the Council 
of the Captain of the People (Villani, I.e.), and whose office 
had now been superseded. 

5. I.e. to be deluded into the belief that the Blacks were 
the true Guelfs and that the Whites (to which party Nuto 
originally belonged) were tainted with Ghibellinism. Cf 
I. 13, where we read that Nuto was said to have been 
mixed up in the intrigue of the Magnates with Jean de 

6. Empi il tuo a?iimo grande. Del Lungo opportunely 
refers to the vastus animus ascribed to Catilina by Sallust. 

7. See I. 22, n. 5. 

8. To appreciate the bitterness of this sarcasm, see 
III. 41. 

9. See II. 10. In the sentence of banishment against 
Lapo Salterelli (II. 25) reference is made to several gross 
acts of bribery committed by him in judicial proceedings, 
on one occasion even when he was a Prior. 

10. The Pulci were Magnates, and most of them belonged 
to the Blacks. 

11. See I. 22. 

12. I.e. in court, on a summons for payment of the debt. 

13. I.e. whether the Whites or Blacks gained the victory 
(see II. 16). 

14. Cf. Dante's taunt in Purg. vi. 133-135. 

15. I.e. frequented them in order to intimidate the 
Magistrates and prevent the due administration of justice 
{cf. I. 15, n. 1). 



The Whites persecuted and driven into exile. 
Some of the Whites, belonging- to old Ghibel- 
line families, join in the persecution (November 
1301 and after). 

Many £nowJ became powerful through wicked 
actions whose names were unknown before, and, 
using their power in order to do pitiless deeds, 
drove out many citizens, and proclaimed them 
rebels, and condemned them in person and pro- 
perty (1). They destroyed many mansions, and 
they punished many of the Whites in accordance 
with what had been settled in writing between 
them. None of the Whites escaped being punished. 
Neither kindred nor friendship availed anything, 
nor could the punishments appointed for any be 
diminished or commuted. New marriages were of 
no avail (2) ; every friend became a foe ; brother 
forsook brother ; son forsook father ; all love, all 
humanity was extinguished. The Blacks sent many 
of the Whites into exile as far off as sixty miles 
from the city ; they laid upon them many heavy 
fines and many imposts, and took much money 
from them. Many patrimonies they ruined. 
Neither equity nor mercy nor favour was ever 
found in any one. He became greatest who cried 
loudest, "Death, death to the traitors! " Many 
of the White party who were of ancient Ghibelline 
origin were welcomed as associates by the Blacks 
solely on account of their evil doing (3). Among 
them were M. Betto Brunelleschi, M. Giovanni 


Rustichelli, M. Baldo d'Aguglione, and M. Fazio 
of Signa (4), and several more, who gave them- 
selves up to destroy the Whites ; and besides the 
others, M. Andrea and M. Aldobrando of Cerreto, 
now called Cerretani (5), who were of ancient 
Ghibelline origin and had joined the Black party. 

1. " Proclaimed (lit. made) them rebels," &c., i.e. pro- 
nounced them contumacious because they did not defend 
themselves (see II. 21, n. 2), and sentenced them to banish- 
ment and outlawry. 

2. On December 15th, Cardinal Matthew of Acquasparta 
(see I. 21) returned to Florence, at the bidding of Pope 
Boniface VIII. , to co-operate with Charles of Valois in the 
"pacification" of the city, where he remained until Feb- 
ruary 28, 1302. He arranged some marriages between 
Whites and Blacks (G. Villani, viii. 49 ; Villari, 517), which 
are here alluded to. The Cardinal's efforts were chiefly 
directed to consolidating the power of the Magnates against 
the popolani (see Del Lungo, I. 297, 298). Dino does not 
anywhere expressly mention this second mission of the 
Cardinal to Florence. 

3. I.e. the eagerness with which they joined in perse- 
cuting their former comrades. 

4. See Par. xvi. 56, where Dante couples these names 
together. On Baldo d'Aguglione see I. 12 ; I. 19. 
Aguglione = Aquilone, a fortress in the valley of the Pesa 
(a tributary of the Arno), from which the family had 
migrated to Florence. Fazio of Signa (a small town on 
the Arno, west of Florence) belonged to the family of 
the Morubaldini. 

5. I.e. the members of this family, which had now be- 
come well known and influential, were spoken of collectively 
as the Cerretani, lit. natives of Cerreto, a small place in 
the lower valley of the Arno, whence they had originally 
come. As to Andrea of Cerreto see II. 10; II. 29. 



Commendation of the behaviour of Baschiera 

Baschiera Tosinghi was a young son of a Guelf, 
a knight named M. Bindo del Baschiera, who had 
suffered many persecutions for the sake of the Guelf 
party, and had lost an eye at the fortress of Fucec- 
chio (1) from an arrow which struck him, and had 
been wounded and slain in the battle with the Are- 
tines (2). This Baschiera survived his father, and 
when, as a young man who deserved it, he ought 
to have had his share of the honours of the city, 
he was deprived of it, because the elder branch of 
his House took the honours and profits for them- 
selves, and did not share them in common (3). 
When at the coming of M. Charles the city changed 
its government, Baschiera, his mind aflame for the 
Guelf party, armed himself vigorously, and fought 
with fire and sword against his kinsmen and ad- 
versaries, with the company of soldiers which he 
had with him. The soldiers (whom the Common- 
wealth had hired from Romagna), on seeing that 
the city was being lost, abandoned him (4), and 
went to the Palace to receive their pay, which they 
demanded so as to have an excuse to depart (5). 
The Priors borrowed 100 florins from Baldone 
Angelotti, and gave them to the soldiers ; but the 
lender insisted that the soldiers should stay with 
him to guard his house ; and thus Baschiera lost 
the mercenaries who were with him. Would that 
the other citizens of his party had had such energy ; 


for ^thenj they would not have lost ! But they 
deluded themselves into the belief that they would 
not be attacked. 

i. The allusion is to the unsuccessful siege of Fucecchio 
(where the flower of the Guelf exiles had gathered) by 
Guido Novello (vicar of King Manfred in Florence) and the 
Ghibelline army in 1261 (G. Villani, vi. 82). Fucecchio is 
in the Arno valley between Empoli and Pisa. 

2. See I. 10. 

3. See I. 22, n. 5 ; II. 22. The " elder branch " was that 
of Rosso della Tosa (Tosinghi). 

4. See II. 17, n. 10. 

5. I.e. if, as they expected, their pay was refused (see 
II. 21, n. 7). 


Visit of Charles of Valois to Rome, followed by a 
proscription of Ghibellines and White Guelfs 
to the number of 600 and more (1302). 

After M. Charles had restored the Black party to 
Florence, he went to Rome ; and when he de- 
manded money from the Pope, the latter answered, 
" that he had put him in the fountain of gold " (1 ). 
A few days later it was said that certain of the 
White party were engaged in a plot with M. Piero 
Ferrante of Languedoc, a baron of M. Charles, 
that he should slay M. Charles at their request, 
and papers containing the terms of the plot were 
found (2). M. Charles, having returned from 
Court, one night assembled in Florence a secret 
council of seventeen citizens, in which they con- 
sulted that they might cause certain, whom they 
named as guilty, to be seized and beheaded. The 
said council was reduced to a smaller number, 


because seven departed from it, and ten remained ; 
and the seven did this in order that those named 
might flee and leave the city. 

That night they secretly sent away M. Goccia 
Adimari and his son ; and M. Manetto Scali, who 
was at Calenzano, went thence to Mangona (3). 
And a little while after M. Muccio of Biserno, a 
mercenary with a large troop (4), and M. Simone 
Cancellieri (5), the foe of the said M. Manetto, 
arrived at Calenzano, thinking to find him, and in 
the search they even thrust their swords through 
the straw of the beds. 

The day following M. Charles caused them 
and several others to be cited, and by virtue of 
his office of Peacemaker he condemned them as 
contumacious and as traitors (6), and burnt their 
houses and confiscated their goods to the public 
use. These goods M. Manetto caused his partners 
to buy back for 5000 florins, so that M. Charles 
might not cause the books of the firm in France 
to be seized : and [thus] the goods were saved by 
that firm (7). M. Giano, son of M. Vieri Cerchi, 
a young knight (8), was in the palace of M. Charles 
to appear to a citation ; and he had been given into 
the charge of two French knights who confined 
him to the house with all respect (9). M. Paniccia 
degli Erri and M. Berto Frescobaldi, hearing of 
it, went into the palace, which was theirs (10), and, 
placing themselves between the knight and his two 
guards, while speaking with them, made a sign to 
him to go, and thus he secretly departed. It was 
said that [M. Charles] would have taken much 
money from him and then put him to death (n). 
The like befell many who were cited, but had 


departed ; for he condemned them in person and 
property, and confiscated their goods to the public 
use. By this means he got 24,000 florins from 
the Commonwealth, and he gave receipts [to the 
Commonwealth] for all that he had confiscated in 
the exercise of his office of Peacemaker (12). In 
the month of April 1302 (13), having caused many 
Ghibelline citizens and Guelf citizens of the White 
party to be cited, he condemned the Uberti, the 
family of the Scolari, of the Lamberti, of the 
Abati, Soldanieri, Rinaldeschi, Migliorelli [and] 
Tebaldini ; and he banished or placed under 
bounds (14) the whole family of the Cerchi — M. 
Baldo, M. Biligiardo, Baldo di M. Talano, and 
Baschiera Tosinghi ; M. Goccia and his son, Corso 
di M. Forese, and Baldinaccio Adimari ; M. Vanni 
de' Mozzi ; M. Manetto, and Vieri Scali ; Naldo 
Gherardini, the Conti (15) of Gangalandi, M. 
Neri of Gaville (16), M. Lapo Salterelli, M. 
Donato di M. Alberto Ristori, Orlanduccio 
Orlandi, Dante Alighieri who was ambassador at 
Rome (17), the sons of Lapo Arrighi, the RufFoli, 
the Angelotti, the Ammuniti, Lapo del Biondo and 
his sons, Giovangiacotto Malispini, the Tedaldi, 
Corazza Ubaldini (18), Ser Petracco di Ser 
Parenzo of Ancisa (19), notary for the Reforma- 
tions (20) ; Masino Cavalcanti and one of his 
kinsmen ; M. Betto Gherardini, Donato and 
Tegghia Finiguerri, Nuccio Galigai, Tignoso de' 
Macci, and many others, more than 600 men in 
all, who wandered about the world in need, some 
in one place and some in another. 

1. Meaning that by a proscription of the Whites, Charles 
could get as much gold as he wanted. Charles left Florence 


on February 13, 1302, for Rome, and got back on 
March 19. 

2. A copy of the "papers" of this plot is in existence, 
but there is reason for suspecting it to have been a forgery 
of the Blacks, and that the whole plot was a trumped-up 
business — Charles's way of working the " fountain of gold." 
See G. Villani (viii. 49) and Lionardo Bruni's " Life of 
Dante" (Wicksteed's "Early Lives of Dante," King's 
Classics, pp. 125, 126). 

3. I.e. Manetto Scali was warned to leave Calenzano, a 
village near Florence, in the direction of Pralo. Mangona 
or Mangone was a fortress some distance north-east of 
Florence, in the valley of the Sieve, among the mountains. 

4." He was a condottiere (to adopt the language of a later 
time), and had on several occasions been employed in the 
pay of the Commonwealth of Florence. 

5. The Simone of Pantano described in I. 25. 

6. As contumacious, for not appearing in answer to the 
citation, as traitors, because presumed guilty in default of 

7. The transaction was advantageous to all concerned : 
to Charles, who doubtless preferred the ready money ; to the 
Scali, as it prevented the ruin of their French business, 
which Charles, the brother of the French king Philip IV., 
might have effected by the seizure of their books ; and to 
the condemned Whites, because their goods were preserved. 

8. He is mentioned, though not by name, in I. 10 as 
having distinguished himself at Campaldino. 

9. Onestame?ite lo teneano per la casa, i.e. he was in 
honourable captivity, and had the run of the house. 

10. I.e. it belonged to the Frescobaldi (see II. 9, n. 12). 
Del Lungo gives good reasons for reading here " Paniccia 
degli Erri, and M. Paniccia and M. Berto Frescobaldi." 

11. Che tolti gli arebbe danari assai e poi la persona {cf. 
Inferno, v. 101, 102). 

12. The confiscated property had been seized by Charles 
for the treasury of the Commonwealth, and the value was 
paid out to him as remuneration for his services. The 
receipts he gave are still preserved in the Florentine archives. 

13. The sentences here enumerated by Dino were pro- 
nounced at various dates between January and October 
1302. Dante, for instance, was on January 27 condemned 
as contumacious to pay a heavy fine, and on March 10 was 
condemned to be burned to death in case he should come 
into the power of the Commonwealth. 

14. The Ghibelline families first enumerated had long 


since been driven out of Florence, and are therefore only 
said to be " condemned," i.e. in person and property in case 
of their coming within the jurisdiction of the Common- 
wealth ; the remaining families and individuals (White 
Guelfs) who had not already been exiled, were sentenced, 
some to banishment (outlawry), others to the modified form 
of banishment known as being placed under bounds, or 
assigned fixed limits of residence [cf. I. 3, n. 5). 

15. A name, not a title. 

16. See I. 20, n. 3. 

17. See II. 4, n. 4. 

18. See II. 11, n. 1. 

19. The father of Petrarch (see below, III. 4). L'Ancisa, 
or, as it is now called, Incisa, is in the valley of the Arno, 
south-east of Florence, towards Arezzo. 

20. We might perhaps describe this appointment as that 
of Registrar to the Signory. The Reformations {Rifor- 
magioni) were the bills (as we should say) brought by the 
Signory before the Councils for discussion, and passed by 


List of the principal families and individuals among 
the Black Guelfs who controlled the city. 

The government of the city was Jeft to M. Corso 
Donati, M. Rosso della Tosa, M. Pazzino de' 
Pazzi, M. Geri Spini, M. Betto Brunelleschi, to 
the Buondelmonti, the Agli, the Tornaquinci, to 
some of the Gianfigliazzi, to the Bardi, to some 
of the Frescobaldi, to the Rossi, to some of the 
Nerli, to the Pulci, the Bostichi, the Magalotti, 
the Manieri, the Bisdomini, the Uccellini, the 
Bordoni, the Strozzi, the Ruccellai, the Accia- 
juoli, the Altoviti, the Aldobrandini, the Peruzzi, 
and the Monaldi ; to Borgo Rinaldi and his 
brother, to Palla Anselmi, Manno Attaviani, Nero 
Cambi, Noffo Guidi, Simone Gherardini, Lapo 


Guazza, and many others, citizens and inhabitants 
of the Contado, of whom none can excuse him- 
self from having been a spoiler of the city. Nor 
can they say that any necessity constrained them 
except pride and rivalry for office ; seeing that the 
hatred amongst the citizens was not so great that 
the city need have been disturbed by war between 
them, if the minds of the false popolani ( 1 ) had 
not been corrupted to do wrong for the sake of 
gain, nay, rather, of robbery, and of holding the 
offices of the city. 

A youth named Bertuccio de' Pulci, who had 
returned from France, finding his partners banished 
from the city, left his kinsmen in power and 
stayed away with his partners ; and this came to 
pass through his greatness of soul. 

1. I.e. the popolani who had joined the Blacks, and so 
identified themselves with that portion of the Guelfs which 
was, at bottom, hostile to the popolano government and 
desirous of increasing the power of the Magnates [cf, II. 16). 


The Blacks persuade Charles of Valois to attack 
Pistoja, which was still in the hands of the 
Whites (see I. 25). He does so (Dec. 1301), 
but without effect. Capture of the Pistojan 
fortresses of Serravalle (Sept. 1302) and Mon- 
tale (May 1303). 

M. Schiatta Cancellieri, the Captain (1), from 
whose family sprang the two accursed parties 


among the Guelfs in Florence (2), returned to 
Pistoja and began to arm and provision the for- 
tresses, and especially Montale towards Florence, 
and Serravalle towards Lucca (3). 

The Black party came at once (4) to M. Charles 
of Valois to induce him to take Pistoja, and pro- 
mised to give him a large sum of money if he did ; 
and with this intention they prevailed upon him to 
go against it with his troops, who were in very bad 
order. The city was strong and furnished with 
good walls and great ditches, and with brave 
citizens ; and they brought him thither several 
times [in vain], so that Mainardo of Susinana (5) 
blamed him and told him that he was acting im- 
prudently in going there. And in consequence of 
being badly guided, at a rainy season, he and his 
soldiers were brought into the marshes, where the 
Pistojans, if they had so wished, might have 
captured him ; but, fearing his high rank, they let 
him go. 

The Florentines and the Lucchese laid siege to 
Serravalle (6), knowing that it was not in a state 
of defence, because M. Schiatta had mentioned in 
conversation to M. Geri Spini and M. Pazzino de' 
Pazzi (wiser men than he) that it was not in a state 
of defence. Wherefore the fortress surrendered on 
terms, the inhabitants being granted their liberty; 
but the terms were not kept, for the Pistojans 
were made prisoners (7). Montale, in consequence 
of negotiations which Pazzino dei Pazzi, who was 
near there, at Palugiano (8), had carried on with 
those inside, was surrendered for 3000 florins, 
which they received from the Florentines, and 
was demolished. 


1. See I. 27. 

2. It will, of course, be understood that the origin of the 
names of Whites and Blacks, as applied to the followers of 
the Cerchi and the Donati, is all that is to be ascribed to 
the family of the Cancellieri. The reader of B. I. will re- 
member that the division of the Guelf party had already 
come to pass before the Cerchi drove the Blacks out of 
Pistoja (I. 25). 

3. It does not appear, however, that he did anything 
effectual to strengthen Serravalle (see below, n. 7). 

4. I.e. as soon as the White government had been over- 

5. See I. 7,n. 5 ; II. 9. 

6. Dino connects with Charles's abortive attacks on Pis- 
toja the, captures of Serravalle and Montale, though these 
were later in date (see head-note to this chapter). 

7. The capture of the important fortress of Serravalle was 
a more serious undertaking than would be supposed from 
Dino's account of it. The fortress was besieged by allied 
armies from Florence and Lucca under the command in 
chief of the Marquis Moro ello Malaspina (see Inf. xxiv. 
143-150, n. ). Although at the beginning of the siege the 
place was not (as Dino says) in a good state of defence, 
still, before the investment was complete, the Pistojans 
managed to reinforce the garrison with a large number of 
the chief Magnates &\\d.popolani of their city ; and the fortress 
held out for about four months, at the end of which time, 
after an unsuccessful attempt to raise the siege had been 
made from Pistoja, the garrison, who had vainly endea- 
voured to make terms, surrendered unconditionally; and 
all the Pistojan citizens in Serravalle were sent as prisoners 
to Lucca. Dino's statement that the garrison made terms 
is incorrect (see authorities cited by Del Lungo). 

8. Palugiano, now known as Parugiano, was a fortress 
belonging to the Pazzi. 


The first wanderings and misfortunes of the White 
and Ghibelline exiles (April-June 1302). 

After M. Charles of Valois had left Florence on 
his way to Apulia to wage the Sicilian war (1), 



the Blacks of Florence (2), preferring the ruin of 
the city to the loss of their own supremacy, 
applied themselves by every means to destroy their 

The Whites betook themselves to Arezzo, where 
Uguccione of La Faggiuola (3), a man of old 
Ghibelline family who had risen from low estate, 
was Podesta. But Uguccione, whom Pope Boni- 
face had bribed by holding out the vain hope that 
one of his sons would be made a Cardinal, inflicted 
so many injuries on the White exiles, at the Pope's 
instigation, that they were obliged to depart ; and 
a good number of them went to Forll, where 
Scarpetta degli Ordelaffi, a nobleman of For 11, was 
Vicar on behalf of the Church (4). 

Many horrible misfortunes befell the White and 
Ghibelline party. They had a fortress at Pian di 
Sco in Valdarno (5), which was garrisoned by 
Carlino de' Pazzi with seventy horsemen and a large 
body of foot-soldiers. The Blacks of Florence 
laid siege to it. It was said that Carlino betrayed 
it to them for money he received (6). Accordingly, 
the Blacks sent their troops thither, and seized the 
men, some of whom they put to death and the rest 
they compelled to pay a ransom. Among others 
they compelled a son of M. Donato di M. Alberto 
Ristori, whose name was Alberto, to pay a ransom 
of 3000 lire • and they caused two of the Scolari, 
two of the Bagolesi (7), one of the Lamberti, one 
of the Migliorelli, and some others to be hanged. 

The Ghibellines and Whites who had taken 
refuge at Siena did not trust themselves to stay 
there, on account of an adage which said, " The 
she- wolf plays the harlot ; " that is, Siena, which 


is represented by the she-wolf (8), and which some- 
times gave passage and sometimes refused it (9). 
And therefore they determined not to remain 

1. See II. 2, 7i. 3. Cf. Dante, De Vulg. EL, ii. 6: 
47-50, n, ; and Purg. xx. 70-78. Charles left Florence at 
the beginning of April. 

2. He adds " of Florence" to distinguish them from the 
Blacks of Pistoja. 

3. A fortress some sixty miles east of Florence, in the dis- 
trict of Montefeltro (modern province of Pesaro and Urbino). 
Uguccione's father was a person of some consequence, so that 
Dino's statement, just below, that Uguccione rose from low 
estate is to be understood not absolutely, but relatively. He 
was now Podesta of Arezzo for the sixth time. His daughter 
became the third wife of Corso Donati. 

4. The Ordelaffi, a Ghibelline family, were already pre- 
dominant in Fori! in 1300 {Inf. xxvii. 43-45), and before 
long secured the absolute dominion of the city. Scarpetta, 
the head of the family, like many other Ghibellines in 
Romagna, had found it expedient to make some submission 
to Pope Boniface, who had succeeded in establishing the 
pre-eminence of the Guelfs in that part of Italy. The great 
power of this Pontiff is shown by the fact that several cities 
elected him to the office of Podesta either for life or for a 
limited period. 

5. The name of the fortress was Piantrevigne (G. Villani, 
viii. 53) ; it was in the upper valley of the Arno, tevrards 

6. See Inf. xxxii. 69. 

7. Also known as the Fifanti. All the persons hanged 
were Ghibellines. 

8. The arms of Siena. 

9. See II. 36 and III. 34, where the adage is again 



The White exiles, with help from Pisa and from 
the Ubaldini, make war in Mugello, the upper 
valley of the Sieve (June 1302). The Blacks 
cross the Apennines and ravage the estates of 
the Ubaldini. By means of intercepted letters 
several of the White exiles are made prisoners 
by the Blacks, and beheaded (Jan. 1303). 

With the help of the Ubaldini, the Whites and 
Ghibellines began war in Mugello ; but first the 
Ubaldini insisted on being secured against loss (1). 
The Pisans also gave them security ; but Vannuccio 
Buonconti, a Pisan, had been bribed to support the 
Black party, and therefore [the exiles] received 
no help or favour from him (2). 

M. Tolosato degli Uberti, hearing of this discord 
(3) on his return from Sardinia, made an arrange- 
ment with the Pisans (4), and succoured the Ghibel- 
line party ; and he went in person to Bologna 
and Pistoja, and many others of the house of the 
Uberti [did the like J. The Uberti had been 
outlaws from their country for more than forty 
years without ever having found mercy or pity (5), 
living all the time in exile, in high state ; nor was 
their dignity ever abased, for they were ever the 
companions of kings and lords, and occupied them- 
selves in great matters. 

The Black party crossed the mountains ; they 
burned villages and fortresses ; and they came into 
the [valley of the] Santerno, [and] into the Orto 
degli Ubaldini (6), and burned it. And not a man 
rose up with arms in its defence ! Whereas, if they 


had but cut down some of the trees that were there 
and put them on the ground across the places where 
the passage was narrow, not one of their adversaries 
would have escaped. 

The Whites had another misfortune, through the 
simplicity of an outlawed citizen of Florence named 
Gherardino Diedati. He was staying in Pisa, and, 
trusting in his kinsmen, wrote to them that the 
exiles under bounds (7) were living from month to 
month in hopes of entering Florence by force ; he 
also wrote thus to a certain friend of his. The 
letters were discovered ; therefore, two young 
nephews of his, sons of Finiguerra Diedati, and 
Masino Cavalcanti, a beautiful youth, were seized 
and beheaded ; while Tignoso de' Macci was 
tortured with the rope and died under the torture. 
And one of the Gherardini was beheaded. Ah ! 
how was the sorrowing mother of the two sons 
deceived ! (8). For with abundance of tears and 
dishevelled hair, she threw herself on her knees in 
the midst of the street before the lawyer M. Andrea 
of Cerreto (9), and prayed him, with her arms 
forming a cross, for God's sake to work for the 
deliverance of her sons. He answered that he 
was going to the [^Podesta's] Palace on that 
account ; but therein he was a liar, for he went 
to compass their death. 

The citizens, who had hope that the city might 
have restj lost it on account of the above-mentioned 
crimes ; because until that day no blood had been 
shed which would have made peace impossible in 
the city (10). 

1. The deed of indemnity to the Ubaldini (executed at 
S. Godenzo in the valley of the Sieve), by which eighteen of 


the exiles, including Dante, bound themselves to make 
good any damage the Ubaldini might sustain in the war is 
printed by Del Lungo (ii. 569) , and, in facsimile, in the Codice 
Diplomatico Dantesco (disp. 6). The date is now illegible, 
but there is every reason to believe it was June 8, 1302. 
The Ubaldini, one of the most powerful Ghibelline houses 
in Tuscany, ruled all Mugello, and their dominion extended 
across the Apennines. They were not subdued by the 
Commonwealth of Florence till near the end of the four- 
teenth century. 

2. V. Buonconti was one of the most powerful of the 
citizens of Pisa, and, although the Pisan government gave 
a collateral security to the Ubaldini, Buonconti's influence 
prevented anything more from being done for the exiles. 

3. I.e. the war between the Black Guelfs and the White 
Guelfs and Ghibellines. 

4. Tolosato degli Uberti, an outlawed Ghibelline of 
Florence, had been employed by the Pisan government as 
governor of Arborea, one of the provinces [giudicati) into 
which Sardinia was divided. On his return he obtained 
leave to help the Ghibellines in the war. 

5. The forty years are computed from 1258, the date of 
the first banishment of the Ghibellines from Florence {cf 
Inf. x. 82/:). 

6. Also known as Podere degli Ubaldini (estate of the 
Ubaldini). Tt comprised a number of castles and villages 
in the valley of the Senio, which is between the valleys of 
the Santerno and the Lamone, on the Adriatic side of the 

7. Mark the contrast between the condition of the exiles 
placed under bounds {confinati, cf. II. 25, n. 14), and still 
while at their fixed residence under the power of the Floren- 
tine government, and the condition of Gherardino Diedati, 
who was outlawed [cittadino rubelld). 

8. I.e. the two Diedati. Their names were Donato and 
Tegghia (II. 25 ; cf. G. Villani, viii. 59). The Gherardini 
beheaded was M. Betto, mentioned in II. 25. 

9. See II. 23, n. 5. 

10. I.e. it was the first time that any of the Whites, who, 
after all, were Guelfs, had been executed. After that extreme 
measure all possibility of reconciliation was at an end. 



The second war of Mugello. The Whites and 
Ghibellines under the command of Scarpetta 
degli Ordelaffi, having secured the fortress of 
Monte Accenico as a base of operations, pre- 
pare to attack Florence, but are routed by the 
Blacks at Puliciano. Cruelty of the Podesta 
of Florence, Folcieri of Calvoli (March 1303). 

The Whites and Ghibellines met with their third 
misfortune (which united them so that the two 
names became one) through this cause: Folcieri 
of Calvoli being Podesta of Florence (1), the 
Whites elected Scarpetta degli Ordelaffi, a young 
man of well-balanced character, an enemy of 
Folcieri, as their Captain. Under him they as- 
sembled their forces, and came to Puliciano, close 
to Borgo S. Lorenzo (2), hoping to avail them- 
selves of Monte Accenico which had been built 
by the Cardinal of the Ubaldini, M. Attaviano (3), 
with a triple circuit of walls. Here they and their 
friends increased their strength, thinking to take 
Puliciano and to come thence to the city. Folcieri 
went thither with a few horsemen. The Blacks 
followed with great caution, but, seeing that their 
enemies did not attack the Podesta (though he 
had few men with him), but cut down the bridges 
and fortified themselves, they took heart as their 
numbers increased. The Whites thought them- 
selves as good as captured, and therefore retired in 
disorder; and those who were not quick to escape 


remained [prisoners]], for the vassals of the neigh- 
bouring Counts immediately ran to bar their passage, 
and captured and slew many of them. 

Scarpetta, with several other of the leaders, fled 
into Monte Accenico. The army of the Whites 
and Ghibellines numbered 700 horsemen and 4000 
foot-soldiers ; and although the retreat was not 
an honourable one, it was more prudent than the 
advance. M. Donato Alberti was so slow that he 
was seized, as well as a valiant youth named Nerlo, 
son of M. Goccia Adimari (4), and two young 
men of the Scolari family. And Nanni RufFoli 
was slain by Chirico di M. Pepo della Tosa. M. 
Donato, clad in a peasant's frock, was ignomini- 
ously brought on an ass to the Podesta, who, when 
he saw him, asked him : " Are you M. Donato 
Alberti?" He replied: "I am Donato (5). 
Would that there were here present thus Andrea 
of Cerreto, and Niccola Acciaioli, and Baldo 
d'Aguglione, and Jacopo of Certaldo, who have 
destroyed Florence " (6). Then he put him to 
torture with the rope, and fastened the cord to the 
bar (7), and left him thus hanging there. Then 
he caused the windows and doors of the palace to 
be opened, and had many citizens summoned under 
other pretexts, in order that they might see the 
insult and derision he was putting upon Donato. 
And the Podesta was so urgent that he obtained 
leave to cut off M. Donato's head ; and this he did 
because war was profitable to him, and peace unpro- 
fitable (8). And so he treated all [the prisoners]]. 
And this was not a just decision, but was contrary 
to the common laws (9), because when citizens 
who have been driven out attempt to return to their 


homes they ought not to be condemned to death. 
It was contrary also to the usage of war, for they 
[sic) ought to have kept them prisoners. 

And the fact that the White Guelf prisoners 
were put to death equally with the Ghibellines 
caused the Whites and Ghibellines to have perfect 
trust in one another ; for until that day they had 
always doubted that the others were whole-hearted 
with them (10). 

1. Folcieri (or Fulcieri) belonged to the family of the 
Paolucci Counts of Calvoli (or Calboli), a fortress in the 
valley of the Montone on the Adriatic side of the Apennines, 
in Romagna. He was Podesta of Florence during the whole 
of 1303, having been re-appointed for a second term ( July 
to December). See Purg. xiv. 55-66. 

2. Borgo S. Lorenzo is the principal place in Mugello. 
It is on the line of railway from Florence to Faenza. 

3. The phrase " hoping to avail themselves" shows that 
the Ubaldini (to whom Monte Accenico belonged) were 
now less willing to assist the exiles than in 1302, since the 
use of this fortress was specially referred to in the deed of 
indemnity (II. 29, n. 1). However, as we see by the present 
chapter, the exiles did obtain the use of it, and it continued 
to form their base of operations till 1306. 

Attaviano ( = Ottaviano) degli Ubaldini (created Cardinal 
Deacon by Innocent IV. in 1244, died 1272) was the famous 
Ghibelline champion placed by Dante among the Epicureans 
in Inf. x. 120. 

4. Mentioned in II. 25, but not by name. 

5. Cf. II. 22, n. 3. No doubt the extraordinary barbarity 
with which Donato Alberti was now treated was due to the 
fact that he had been one of the draftsmen of the Ordinances 
of Justice (I. 12). 

6. See II. 23 ; I. 19 ; I. 8. 

7. Lit. the reel, i.e. a bar of that form to which the cord 
by which the prisoner was suspended was attached {cf. I. 
19, n. 3). After the torture M. Donato was left hanging by 
the cord, instead of being taken down. 

8. I.e. he wanted the Florentines to be at strife, that he 
might fish in troubled waters. 

9. I.e. generally recognised principles of law. 


10. Del Lungo takes it that it was the Ghibellines who 
had doubted the sincerity of the Whites ; but the sentence 
is worded ambiguously so that it may be taken either way, 
and probably the mistrust had been mutual. 


Reflections on the division of the Guelf party. 

O M. Donato, how did fortune turn contrary to 
thee ! For first they seized thy son, and thou 
didst ransom him for 3000 lire ( 1 ) ; and thee 
they have beheaded ! Who has done this to 
thee ? The Guelfs whom thou lovedst so much, 
and [in support of] whom thou didst utter in 
every speech of thine a tirade (2) against the 
Ghibellines. How could the name of Guelf be 
taken from thee by the false chatter of the vulgar ? 
How came it that thou wast put to death among 
the Ghibellines by Guelfs ? Who deprived of the 
name of Guelfs, Baldinaccio Adimari and Baschiera 
Tosinghi, whose fathers did so much for the Guelf 
party ? Who had authority within a short time to 
take away and to give in such wise that Ghibellines 
were called Guelfs (3), and the Guelfs of most 
authority were called Ghibellines ? Who had 
such a privilege? It was Rosso della Tosa (4) 
and his followers ; Rosso who for the needs of the 
Party did little or rather nothing in comparison 
with the fathers of those whose name [of Guelfs] 
was taken from them. Herein therefore a wise 
man, a most ardent Guelf, Corazza Ubaldini ot 
Signa (5), seeing that men were being made 
Ghibellines by force (6), spoke well when he 


aid : " The men who are and wish to be 
j-hibellines are so many, that to make more of 
hem by force is not good." 

1. See II. 28. 

2. Lit. a column of writing (colonello — colonnino). 

3. See II. 23, n. 3. 

4. Cf. II. 26 (at the beginning). 

5. Cf. II. 11, n. 1. 

6. I.e. the White Guelfs, whom the persecution of the 
Blacks forced to make common cause with the Ghibellines 
(cf. II. 30). 


The Blacks in league with the Marquis of Ferrara 
attempt to seize Bologna, but are foiled by the 
Whites who had taken refuge there (April 1303). 
The Bolognese form a league against the Mar- 
quis, which is joined by the Whites of Florence 
(June 1303). 

The audacity of the Blacks grew to such a height 
that they agreed with the Marquis of Ferrara ( 1 ) to 
seize Bologna, marching thither with 600 horsemen 
and 6000 foot, while one of the two factions within 
[that city], both of which were Guelf, was to at- 
tack the other on Easter Day (2). Those of the 
Whites who had sought refuge in Bologna bravely 
armed themselves and set their troops in array. 
The Blacks were afraid, and did not attack [them]. 
The Marquis abandoned his preparations, and the 
Blacks withdrew. For this cause the condition of 
the Whites improved in Bologna, and thenceforth 
they were welcomed there, while the Blacks were 


counted as enemies. The Bolognese made a leagu^o 
with the people of Romagna, saying that the Mar; 
quis had tried to betray them, and that if he hac 
succeeded he would have thrown Romagna intc 
confusion. This league comprised Forft, Faenza, 
Bernardino of Polenta (3), the White party of 
Florence, the Pistojans, Count Federigo of Monte- 
feltro (4) and the Pisans. In the month of June 
1303, the said confederates raised a joint force (5) 
of 500 horsemen, and appointed M. Salinguerra of 
Ferrara Captain (6). 

1. This was Azzo VIII. of Este. See De Vulg. EL, i. 12 : 
38, n. 

2. April 7. The condition of Bologna at this time re- 
sembled that of Florence. The Ghibelline party (that of 
the Lambertazzi) had been driven out, and the Guelf party 
(that of the Geiemei) had split into two factions, one 
supporting the Marquis of Ferrara, who wanted to gain 
possession of Bologna, the other opposing him. The Mar- 
quis's faction was to attack the other ; but the plot was 
discovered on April 4, and many of the citizens of that 
faction were banished, and their houses and towers de- 

3. Son of Guido ( Vecchio, or Minore) of Polenta, Lord of 
Ravenna, who died in 1310. Bernardino was brother to 
Francesca of Rimini {Inf. v.), and uncle of Guido Novello 
of Polenta, who was Lord of Ravenna during the closing 
years of Dante's life. 

4. See next chapter. 

5. Taglia. Each of the confederates was bound to fur- 
nish a certain number of men. 

6. Salinguerra Torelli belonged to a noble Ghibelline 
family of Ferrara which had been banished in 1240, after a 
long struggle with the house of Este. 





Indecisive fighting- between the Whites and Blacks 
in the valley of the Chiana and the upper valley 
of the Arno (Summer of 1303). 

The Whites marched from Monte Accenico until 
,'they were close upon La Lastra (1), burning what 
they found. The Aretines reconquered Castig- 
lione [Aretino] and Monte a San Savino, and laid 
waste Laterina, which was held by the Blacks (2), 
who could not succour it because they were with 
the Lucchese round Pistoja (3) ; but when [the 
Blacks] heard of this they left the Lucchese to 
guard Florence, and set out with the Marquis's 
cavalry to Montevarchi (4) in order to succour 

The Aretines united with the Whites and their 
friends from Romagna and some Pisan mercenaries, 
and marched to Castiglione degli Ubertini (5) ; and 
it was believed that a battle was imminent. But 
the Blacks retired, and attacked Castiglione Are- 
tino ; and they lost some of their infantry ; but 
afterwards they put Montalcino (6) and Laterina 
into a state of defence. 

The Whites numbered 1200 horsemen and very 
many foot-soldiers (7), and they displayed great 
energy in seeking battle. But they were deceived 
by certain traitors, who took money from their 
enemies and prevented the battle from being fought, 
alleging that the Pisans were not disposed to risk 
the success of the war, in which victory could 
certainly be won. 


Uguccione of Faggiuola was [Podesta] In 
Arezzo, as has been mentioned (8), but on account 
of some suspicious behaviour he was removed from 
his office, which was given to Count Federigo, son 
of the good Count Guido of Montefeltro, whose 
fair fame has spread throughout the world (9). 
Count Federigo came to Arezzo, accompanied 
by Ciappettino Ubertini, and took up the govern- 


1. La Lastra is only about two miles from Florence on the 
Bologna road. 

2. Castiglione Aretino and San Savino are in the valley of 
the Chiana, south of Arezzo ; Laterina, in the upper valley 
of the Arno (on the right bank), north-west of Arezzo. These 
places had fallen into the hands of the Florentines after the 
battle of Campaldino (cf. I. 10). 

3. See II. 27, near the end, with which the present pas- 
sage connects itself. 

4. The Marquis is Moro ello Malaspina (see II. 27, n. 7). 
Montevarchi is on the left bank of the Arno, west of 

5. On the right bank of the Arno between Montevarchi 
and Laterina. 

6. Montalcino belonged to the Sienese, who were in alli- 
ance with the Blacks. 

7. I.e. the army which marched to Castiglione degli 
Ubertini, as stated in the paragraph before. Dino now con- 
tinues his explanation of why the anticipated battle did not 
take place, after having stated what the Blacks did when 
they had retreated from Montevarchi. 

8. II. 28. 

9. Cf. Conv. iv. 28 : 60-65 an & ^ n f* xxvii. 78. 



Corso Donati and the Magnates intrigue with the 

populace against the government of the Popo- 

lani, and procure the appointment of a commis- 

r sion to inquire into the administration. Recall 

r ~ of exiles placed under bounds (Summer of 


The Blacks returned to Florence, and discord 
between them arose shortly after, because M. Rosso 
della Tosa, M. Pazzino de* Pazzi, and M. Geri 
Spini, with their following among the wealthy 
traders (1), held the government and the honours of 
the city. M. Corso Donati, who thought himself 
worthier than they — he was a knight of the utmost 
ability in all things he desired to carry out — deeming 
that he was not receiving his share [in the adminis- 
tration]] sought to humble them and to abolish the 
Priors' office [as then existing]] (2), and to exalt 
himself and his followers. And he began to sow 
discord, and, under colour of justice and compassion, 
began to speak after this fashion: "Poor men (3) 
are being afflicted and spoiled of their substance 
through the taxes and the rates, and some persons 
are filling their purses thereby. Let inquiry be 
made where such a large sum of money has gone, 
since so much cannot have been spent in the war." 
And this he demanded with great urgency before 
the Priors and in the Councils. The common 
people (3) listened willingly to him, believing that 
his language was sincere ; and in any case they 
were desirous that this matter should be inquired 
into. The other party knew not what to answer, 


since wrath and pride prevented them. And [those 
who demanded the inquiry]] wrought so effectually, 
with the aid of the officials who were with them, 
that an inquiry was ordered concerning the acts 
of oppression, violence, and robbery [which had 
been committed]], and foreign doctors of law \v'e x e 
appointed as auditors (4). After this the outc.y 
diminished (5), and the popolani who were in power, 
in order to obtain favour, recalled from banishment, 
on the 1st of August 1303, the exiles under bounds 
who had not broken their bounds. 

1. Col seguito del popolo grasso. \4 

2. I.e. under the legislation of 1282 (I. 4) and the Ordi- ' 
nances of Justice (I. 11 ; I. 18), by which the Magnates had 
been excluded from the government of the city. 

3. I.e. the smaller traders and the populace. 

4. By enactments, dated July 24 and 27, 1303, it was pro- 
vided that a commission of six citizens (three Magnates and 
three popolani) should be appointed with the most ample 
powers to investigate, as from November 1, 1301, the entire 
administration of the Government, and all cases of robbery, 
extortion, and peculation ; and they were to be assisted by 
a foreign doctor of law, to act as auditor of the accounts and 
take part in the investigation. This person was one M. 
Ghisenzio, of Gubbio. Dino's statement that more than one 
auditor was appointed seems therefore to be erroneous. 

5. Poi s ammollarono le parole. Though the proceedings 
of the commission of inquiry were very protracted, the Act 
by which it had been set up remained pretty nearly a dead 
letter so far as concerned its ostensible object, expressed in 
very pious language in the preamble, namely, the redressing 
of the wrongs suffered by widows, orphans, wards, and 
other weak and impotent folk. But, considering that the 
chief motive of Corso Donati and the Magnates in setting 
the inquiry on foot was to bring odium on the government 
of the popolaiii, this result is not surprising. Corso's own 
interests, however, were not overlooked, for compensation 
was awarded him for the damage he had suffered by the 
sentence of outlawry passed on him in 1301 (see I. 24, n. 6). 



The end of Boniface VIII. (September 7 to 
October 11, 1303). 

On Saturday, the 7th of September 1303, Sciarra 
del a Colonna (1) entered Alagna, a town in the 
Reman territory (2), with many troops, and with 
them of Ceccano (3), and with a knight who was 
there on behalf of the king of France, bearing the 
kiig's banner and that of the Patrimony, that is, of 
the Keys (4) ; and they broke open the sacristy and 
the treasury of the Pope and took much treasure 
from him. The Pope, abandoned by his attendants, 
remained a prisoner. It was said that the Cardinal 
M. Francesco Orsini was there in person with many 
Roman citizens (5), and it was held that the attack 
had been concerted with the king of France because 
the Pope was striving to humble him (6) ; and the 
war of the Flemings against him, wherein many 
Frenchmen perished (7), was said to have been of 
the Pope's contriving. The king of France for 
this cause assembled in Paris many doctors and 
bachelors of divinity belonging to the Friars Minor, 
the Preachers, and other Orders, and here he caused 
the Pope to be pronounced a heretic ; and then he 
caused the Pope to be admonished (8), accusing him 
of many horrible sins. The Pope was a prisoner in 
Alagna, and without making any defence or excuse 
was brought to Rome, where he was wounded in 
the head ; and after some days he died mad (9). 
Many were content and glad at his death, for his 
rule was harsh and he stirred up wars, undoing many 



people, and gathering very much treasure. The 
Whites and Ghibellines especially rejoiced at his 
death, because he was their hearty foe ; but the 
Blacks were greatly disquieted by it. 

i. Jacopo, called Sciarra, Colonna was nephew of Car- 
dinal Jacopo Colonna and brother of Cardinal Pietro 
Colonna, who had been deprived of their dignity and per- 
secuted by Boniface VIII. [cf. I. 21, n. 1). 

2. Alagna, or Anagni, is about thirty-five miles south-east 
of Rome. It was the birthplace of Boniface VIII {cf. Par. 
xxx. 148). 

3. By "them of Ceccano " (a village about fifteen miles 
south-east of Anagni) are meant the sons of John of 
Ceccano, whose father had long been kept prisoner by 

4. The "knight" was William of Nogaret, a trusted 
official of Philip IV. of France. The reason why he dis- 
played the " banner of the Keys " was to show that he was 
acting " for the defence of the Church " against the heretical 
Pope (see Renan, Etudes stir la politique religieuse du regne 
de Philippe le bel, pp. 31, 36. In this work a detailed account 
of the career of William of Nogaret and of the attack 
on Boniface will be found). Musciatto Franzesi (see II. 
4, n. 2) was associated with William of Nogaret in the 

5. Cardinal Napoleone Orsini was in Anagni at the time, 
and supported William of Nogaret. The Orsini, as well 
as the Colonna, were now in disgrace with the Pope. 

6. At the time when Sciarra Colonna and William of 
Nogaret seized Boniface he was on the point of issuing a 
bull excommunicating Philip IV. and absolving his subjects 
from their allegiance. 

7. The allusion is to the defeat of the French by the 
Flemings at the great battle of Courtrai in 1302, described 
by G. Villani (viii. 56). 

8. The assembly was held at the Louvre on March 12, 
1303, and the "admonition" probably refers to the sum- 
mons which William of Nogaret addressed to Boniface 
requiring him to call together a general council which 
should pronounce on the accusations brought against him 
by the French king. A second assembly was held at the 
Louvre on June 13, after Nogaret's departure for Italy, at 
which the matter was further discussed. 


said : " The men who are and wish to be 
Ghibellines are so many, that to make more of 
them by force is not good." 

1. See II. 28. 

2. Lit. a column of writing [colonello — colonnind). 

3. See II. 23, 71. 3. 

4. Cf. II. 26 (at the beginning). 

5. Cf II. 11, n. 1. 

6. I.e. the White Guelfs, whom the persecution of the 
Blacks forced to make common cause with the Ghibellines 
[cf. II. 30). 


The Blacks in league with the Marquis of Ferrara 
attempt to seize Bologna, but are foiled by the 
Whites who had taken refuge there (April 1303). 
The Bolognese form a league against the Mar- 
quis, which is joined by the Whites of Florence 
(June 1303). 

The audacity of the Blacks grew to such a height 
that they agreed with the Marquis of Ferrara (1) to 
seize Bologna, marching thither with 600 horsemen 
and 6000 foot, while one of the two factions within 
[that city], both of which were Guelf, was to at- 
tack the other on Easter Day (2). Those of the 
Whites who had sought refuge in Bologna bravely 
armed themselves nnd set their troops in array. 
The Blacks were afraid, and did not attack [them]. 
The Marquis abandoned his preparations, and the 
Blacks withdrew. For this cause the condition of 
the Whites improved in Bologna, and thenceforth 
they were welcomed there, while the Blacks were 


counted as enemies. The Bolognese made a league 
with the people of Romagna, saying that the Mar- 
quis had tried to betray them, and that if he had 
succeeded he would have thrown Romagna into 
confusion. This league comprised Forl v i, Faenza, 
Bernardino of Polenta (3), the White party of 
Florence, the Pistojans, Count Federigo of Monte- 
feltro (4) and the Pisans. In the month of June 
1303, the said confederates raised a joint force (5) 
of 500 horsemen, and appointed M. Salinguerra of 
Ferrara Captain (6). 

1. This was Azzo VIII. of Este. See De Vzdg. EL, i. 12 : 
38, 11. 

2. April 7. The condition of Bologna at this time re- 
sembled that of Florence. The Ghibelline party (that of 
the Lambertazzi) had been driven out, and the Guelf party 
(that of the Geremei) had split into two factions, one 
supporting the Marquis of Ferrara, who wanted to gain 
possession of Bologna, the other opposing him. The Mar- 
quis's faction was to attack the other ; but the plot was 
discovered on April 4, and many of the citizens of that 
faction were banished, and their houses and towers de- 

3. Son of Guido ( Vecchio, or Minore) of Polenta, Lord of 
Ravenna, who died in 1310. Bernardino was brother to 
Francesca of Rimini (I?if. v.), and uncle of Guido Novello 
of Polenta, who was Lord of Ravenna during the closing 
years of Dante's life. 

4. See next chapter. 

5. Taglia. Each of the confederates was bound to fur- 
nish a certain number of men. 

6. Salinguerra Torelli belonged to a noble Ghibelline 
family of Ferrara which had been banished in 1240, after a 
long struggle with the house of Este. 



Indecisive fighting- between the Whites and Blacks 
in the valley of the Chiana and the upper valley 
of the Arno (Summer of 1303). 

The Whites marched from Monte Accenico until 
they were close upon La Lastra (1), burning what 
they found. The Aretines reconquered Castig- 
lione [Aretino] and Monte a San Savino, and laid 
waste Laterina, which was held by the Blacks (2), 
who could not succour it because they were with 
the Lucchese round Pistoja (3) ; but when [the 
Blacks] heard of this they left the Lucchese to 
guard Florence, and set out with the Marquis's 
cavalry to Montevarchi (4) in order to succour 

The Aretines united with the Whites and their 
friends from Romagna and some Pisan mercenaries, 
and marched to Castiglione degli Ubertini (5) ; and 
it was believed that a battle was imminent. But 
the Blacks retired, and attacked Castiglione Are- 
tino ; and they lost some of their infantry ; but 
afterwards they put Montalcino (6) and Laterina 
into a state of defence. 

The Whites numbered 1200 horsemen and very 
many foot-soldiers (7), and they displayed great 
energy in seeking battle. But they were deceived 
by certain traitors, who took money from their 
enemies and prevented the battle from being fought, 
alleging that the Pisans were not disposed to risk 
the success of the war, in which victory could 
certainly be worn 


Uguccione of Faggiuola was [Podesta] in 
Arezzo, as has been mentioned (8), but on account 
of some suspicious behaviour he was removed from 
his office, which was given to Count Federigo, son 
of the good Count Guido of Montefeltro, whose 
fair fame has spread throughout the world (9). 
Count Federigo came to Arezzo, accompanied 
by Ciappettino Ubertini, and took up the govern- 

1. La Lastra is only about two miles from Florence on the 
Bologna road. 

2. Castiglione Aretino and San Savino are in the valley of 
the Chiana, south of Arezzo ; Laterina, in the upper valley 
of the Arno (on the right bank), north-west of Arezzo. These 
places had fallen into the hands of the Florentines after the 
battle of Campaldino [cf. I. 10). 

3. See II. 27, near the end, with which the present pas- 
sage connects itself. 

4. The Marquis is Moro ello Malaspina (see II. 27, n. 7). 
Monte varchi is on the left bank of the Arno, west of 

5. On the right bank of the Arno between Montevarchi 
and Laterina. 

6. Montalcino belonged to the Sienese, who were in alli- 
ance with the Blacks. 

7. I.e. the army which marched to Castiglione degli 
Ubertini, as stated in the paragraph before. Dino now con- 
tinues his explanation of why the anticipated battle did not 
take place, after having stated what the Blacks did when 
they had retreated from Montevarchi. 

8. II. 28. 

9. Cf. Cotiv. iv. 28 : 60-65 and Inf. xxvii. 78. 



Corso Donati and the Magnates intrigue with the 
populace against the government of the Popo- 
lani, and procure the appointment of a commis- 
sion to inquire into the administration. Recall 
of exiles placed under bounds (Summer of 

The Blacks returned to Florence, and discord 
between them arose shortly after, because M. Rosso 
della Tosa, M. Pazzino de' Pazzi, and M. Geri 
Spini, with their following among the wealthy 
traders (1), held the government and the honours of 
the city. M. Corso Donati, who thought himself 
worthier than they — he was a knight of the utmost 
ability in all things he desired to carry out — deeming 
that he was not receiving his share [in the adminis- 
tration] sought to humble them and to abolish the 
Priors' office [as then existing] (2), and to exalt 
himself and his followers. And he began to sow 
discord, and, under colour of justice and compassion, 
began to speak after this fashion: "Poor men (3) 
are being afflicted and spoiled of their substance 
through the taxes and the rates, and some persons 
are filling their purses thereby. Let inquiry be 
made where such a large sum of money has gone, 
since so much cannot have been spent in the war." 
And this he demanded with great urgency before 
the Priors and in the Councils. The common 
people (3) listened willingly to him, believing that 
his language was sincere ; and in any case they 
were desirous that this matter should be inquired 
into. The other party knew not what to answer, 


since wrath and pride prevented them. And [those 
who demanded the inquiry J wrought so effectually, 
with the aid of the officials who were with them, 
that an inquiry was ordered concerning the acts 
of oppression, violence, and robbery [which had 
been committed^, and foreign doctors of law were 
appointed as auditors (4). After this the outcry 
diminished (5), and the popolani who were in power, 
in order to obtain favour, recalled from banishment, 
on the 1st of August 1303, the exiles under bounds 
who had not broken their bounds. 

1. Col seguito del popolo grasso. 

2. I.e. under the legislation of 1282 (I. 4) and the Ordi- 
nances of Justice (I. n ; I. 18), by which the Magnates had 
been excluded from the government of the city. 

3. I..e. the smaller traders and the populace. 

4. By enactments, dated July 24 and 27, 1303, it was pro- 
vided that a commission of six citizens (three Magnates and 
three popolani) should be appointed with the most ample 
powers to investigate, as from November 1, 1301, the entire 
administration of the Government, and all cases of robbery, 
extortion, and peculation ; and they were to be assisted by 
a foreign doctor of law, to act as auditor of the accounts and 
take part in the investigation. This person was one M. 
Ghisenzio, of Gubbio. Dino's statement that more than one 
auditor was appointed seems therefore to be erroneous. 

5. Poi s ammo llarono le parole. Though the proceedings 
of the commission of inquiry were very protracted, the Act 
by which it had been set up remained pretty nearly a dead 
letter so far as concerned its ostensible object, expressed in 
very pious language in the preamble, namely, the redressing 
of the wrongs suffered by widows, orphans, wards, and 
other weak and impotent folk. But, considering that the 
chief motive of Corso Donati and the Magnates in setting 
the inquiry on foot was to bring odium on the government 
of the popolafiz, this result is not surprising. Corso's own 
interests, however, were not overlooked, for compensation 
was awarded him for the damage he had suffered by the 
sentence of outlawry passed on him in 1301 (see I. 24, n. 6). 



The end of Boniface VIII. (September 7 to 
October 11, 1303). 

On Saturday, the 7th of September 1 303, Sciarra 
della Colonna (1) entered Alagna, a town in the 
Roman territory (2), with many troops, and with 
them of Ceccano (3), and with a knight who was 
there on behalf of the king of France, bearing the 
king's banner and that of the Patrimony, that is, of 
the Keys (4) ; and they broke open the sacristy and 
the treasury of the Pope and took much treasure 
from him. The Pope, abandoned by his attendants, 
remained a prisoner. It was said that the Cardinal 
M. Francesco Orsini was there in person with many 
Roman citizens (5), and it was held that the attack 
had been concerted with the king of France because 
the Pope was striving to humble him (6) ; and the 
war of the Flemings against him, wherein many 
Frenchmen perished (7), was said to have been of 
the Pope's contriving. The king of France for 
this cause assembled in Paris many doctors and 
bachelors of divinity belonging to the Friars Minor, 
the Preachers, and other Orders, and here he caused 
the Pope to be pronounced a heretic ; and then he 
caused the Pope to be admonished (8), accusing him 
of many horrible sins. The Pope was a prisoner in 
Alagna, and without making any defence or excuse 
was brought to Rome, where he was wounded in 
the head; and after some days he died mad (9). 
Many were content and glad at his death, for his 
rule was harsh and he stirred up wars, undoing many 



people, and gathering very much treasure. The 
Whites and Ghibellines especially rejoiced at his 
death, because he was their hearty foe ; but the 
Blacks were greatly disquieted by it. 

i. Jacopo, called Sciarra, Colonna was nephew of Car- 
dinal Jacopo Colonna and brother of Cardinal Pietro 
Colonna, who had been deprived of their dignity and per- 
secuted by Boniface VIII. [cf. I. 21, n, 1). 

2. Alagna, or Anagni, is about thirty-five miles south-east 
of Rome. It was the birthplace of Boniface VIII (cf. Pa?: 
xxx. 148). 

3. By "them of Ceccano" (a village about fifteen miles 
south-east of Anagni) are meant the sons of John of 
Ceccano, whose father had long been kept prisoner by 

4. The "knight" was William of Nogaret, a trusted 
official of Philip IV. of France. The reason why he dis- 
played the " banner of the Keys " was to show that he was 
acting " for the defence of the Church " against the heretical 
Pope (see Renan, Etudes sti?' la politique religieuse du regne 
de Philippe le del, pp. 31, 36. In this work a detailed account 
of the career of William of Nogaret and of the attack 
on Boniface will be found). Musciatto Franzesi (see II. 
4, ?i. 2) was associated with William of Nogaret in the 

5. Cardinal Napoleone Orsini was in Anagni at the time, 
and supported William of Nogaret. The Orsini, as well 
as the Colonna, were now in disgrace with the Pope. 

6. At the time when Sciarra Colonna and William of 
Nogaret seized Boniface he was on the point of issuing a 
bull excommunicating Philip IV. and absolving his subjects 
from their allegiance. 

7. The allusion is to the defeat of the French by the 
Flemings at the great battle of Courtrai in 1302, described 
by G. Villani (viii. 56). 

8. The assembly was held at the Louvre on March 12, 
1303, and the "admonition" probably refers to the sum- 
mons which William of Nogaret addressed to Boniface 
requiring him to call together a general council which 
should pronounce on the accusations brought against him 
by the French king. A second assembly was held at the 
Louvre on June 13, after Nogaret's departure for Italy, at 
which the matter was further discussed. 


9. Two days after Boniface had been made prisoner the 
people of Anagni, who had joined in the attack on Boniface, 
in spite of many benefits he had conferred on them, sud- 
denly, on the summons of Cardinal Fieschi, turned round 
and put the forces of Sciarra Colonna and Nogaret to flight 
and released the Pope. Meantime a force of knights who 
had set out from Rome to deliver him arrived at Anagni 
and escorted him back. He lived till October 11 ; his death 
being doubtless caused or accelerated by the outrage to 
which he had been subjected {cf. Villani, viii. 63 ; Purg. 
xx. 86-90). 


Military operations in the upper valley of the 
Arno (Autumn of 1303). 

In the said month of September the Whites and 
Ghibellines of Florence united under M. Tolosato 
degli Uberti (1), a noble knight of Florence and a 
very skilful warrior. They marched to Arezzo 
with Pisan mercenaries. The Sienese granted 
them passage, because the citizens of Siena were 
good neighbours to both parties ; and whenever 
they perceived the Whites to be strong, they 
banished them ; but the sentence of banishment was 
defective, so that it did no harm (2). They gave 
help to the Blacks in their military expeditions and 
behaved [towards them] like brothers. And ac- 
cordingly there was (among other sayings concern- 
ing the wars in Tuscany) an adage about them which 
said, " The she-wolf plays the harlot," for by the 
she- wolf is meant Siena (3). 

The Whites and Ghibellines of Florence, the 
Romagnoles, the Pisans, and all their other friends 
assembled at Arezzo, so that by the 1 st of November 
they were prepared for the campaign. 


The Blacks marched to Fighine, and the Whites 
came down to Ganghereto. The Aretines came 
to Laterina, and fortified the approaches so that it 
might not be revictualled (4). [But] the fortress 
was lost [to the Whites] because of hunger and 
discord among the Aretines ; for their leaders 
secretly took bribes and allowed it to be pro- 

1. See II. 29, n. 4. 

2. I.e. it was not intended to be enforced. 

3. See II. 28, n. 8,9. 

4. The Blacks were apparently on their way to relieve 
Laterina, which was in danger of falling into the Aretines' 
hands (see II. 33). Fighine, now called Figline, is on the 
left bank of the Arno, about half-way between Florence 
and Laterina. Ganghereto was on the right bank, about 
half-way between Fighine and Laterina. The expression 
"came down" refers to the descent from Arezzo into the 
Arno valley. 



Election of Pope Benedict XI. (Nicholas Boccasini), 
October 21, 1303. His character and first acts 
as Pope. He appoints the Cardinal of Prato 
peacemaker in Tuscany (January 31, 1304). 

Our Lord God, who takes thought for all things, by 
willing to restore a good Pastor to the world, took 
thought for the necessity of Christians. Where- 
fore there was called to the Chair of S. Peter Pope 
Benedict, a native of Treviso, a friar preacher and 
Prior-General (1), a man with few relations and 
of humble birth, steadfast and virtuous, discreet and 
holy. The world was cheered with new light. 
He began by doing deeds of mercy ; he pardoned 
the Colonna family (2) and reinstated them in 
their possessions. During the first fast [after his 
election]] ( 3 ) he created two cardinals : one was 
an Englishman (4), the other was the Bishop of 
Spoleto, a native of the fortress of Prato (5), 
a friar preacher named M. Nicholas, of humble 
parentage, but of great learning ; gracious and 
wise, but of a Ghibelline stock. On this account 

the Ghibellines and the Whites greatly rejoiced ; 



and they exerted themselves to such effect that Pope 
Benedict sent him into Tuscany as peacemaker. 

i. Or, Master-general of the Order. He relinquished this 
office on his elevation to the Cardinalate in 1298. The 
next two traits noted by Dino in his description of Benedict 
are intended to mark the contrast between him and his 
predecessor. Two cardinals of Boniface's family were still 

2. Sciarra Colonna (see II. 35) was excluded from the 

3. I.e. the Advent Ember season. 

4. The Englishman, William Marlesfield, had died four 
months previously, but the news of his death had not 
reached Rome. 

5. Prato is eleven miles north-west of Florence. On his 
elevation to the Cardinalate, Nicholas of Prato was made 
Bishop of Ostia and Velletri ; but was known as the Car- 
dinal of Prato. 


Position of affairs in Florence at the beginning of 
1304. The Magnates split into two factions, 
one headed by M. Rosso della Tosa, who, to 
gain his own ends, allies himself with the 
wealthy traders (Popolo Grasso) in whose 
hands, in spite of the overthrow of the Whites, 
the control of the machinery of government 
remained : the other, headed by M. Corso 
Donati, who, to gain his own ends, allies 
himself with the smaller traders and {popu- 
lace ( Popolo Minuto). This chapter is closely 
connected with II. 34, where the beginnings 
of the quarrel between Rosso and Corso are 

Before the coming of the Cardinal (1) a conspiracy 
was revealed, which had been planned by M. Rosso 
della Tosa, whose object in all that he did and 


tried to do in the city was to bear rule in the 
manner of the Lords of Lombardy (2). And 
many gains did he forego, and many times did he 
make peace (3), in order to have men's minds 
ready to fulfil his desire. M. Corso Donati [on 
the contrary^) did not refuse money ; everybody, 
either from fear or under threats, gave him of their 
own. He did not ask for it, but he let it be seen 
that he wanted it. 

The two enemies were looking about them (4). 
M. Rosso feared the execration of the Tuscans if 
he plotted against M. Corso (5); he feared the 
enemies without (6) and sought to cast them down 
before showing his hostility against M. Corso ; and 
he feared, from the prestige that [M. Corso^j had 
in the [Guelf J party, that there might be trouble 
with the populace. He held to the wealthy traders, 
for they were his tongs and seized the hot iron 
[for him J. M. Corso, by reason of that haughty 
spirit of his, did not heed and would not conde- 
scend to small matters ; and on account of his 
disdain he did not possess the love of those citizens. 
So that, forsaking the wealthy traders, he conspired 
with the Magnates, pointing out how in many ways 
they were the prisoners and slaves of a set of bloated 
popolani, or rather, dogs, who lorded it over them and 
took the offices for themselves ; and by speaking thus 
he drew together all the great citizens who felt them- 
selves aggrieved, and they all made a conspiracy, 
M. Lottieri della Tosa, Bishop of Florence, and 
M. Baldo, his nephew, joined the conspiracy, because 
his kinsman, M. Rossellino, was holding for him- 
self one of the Bishop's fortresses with the vassals, 
while he had not dared to complain of it so long as 


Pope Boniface was alive (7). And the Rossi, the 
Bardi, the Lucardesi, the Cavalcanti, the Bostichi, 
the Giandonati, almost all the Tornaquinci, the 
Manieri, and some of the Adimari joined it : there 
were also many [of the smaller] popolani (8) with 
them. And in all, including Magnates and popo- 
lani, there were thirty-two conspirators. And they 
said, in reference to the corn come from Apulia, 
whereof a fixed quantity a head was given to the 
people, " The [smaller] popolani are burdened ; 
their property is taken from them through the 
heavy taxes ; and then they are compelled to eat 
mats," which (it was said) were cut up into the 
corn so as to eke out the measure. 

The wealthy traders began to be afraid : M. 
Corso's friends grew bolder, but not so much so 
[as might have been expected] because [his enemies] 
contradicted him in the councils and assemblies. 
The Bordoni, who were bold and arrogant popolani, 
harassed him greatly and several times they gave 
him the lie, heedless of the preponderance of their 
adversaries and of what the consequences of their 
action might be. They drew much gain from the 
Commonwealth, and praise turned their heads (9). 
However, the followers of M. Rosso did not allow 
them [seriously] to molest [the Donati] (10). 

Within a month they (11) put the corn on sale 
to the public at 12 soldi [a bushel]; they made 
a rate (12) [to raise the money], and they levied 
1200 horsemen from the citizens at a salary of 
fifty florins each (13) ; and showed no mercy (14). 
And then they sent soldiers, and built a fort close 
to Monte Accenico (15) and stationed men there 
to guard it. 


1. The Cardinal of Prato arrived on March 10 (III. 4). 

2. He wanted to rule in Florence as (for instance) the 
Scala family did in Verona, the Malatesta in Rimini, the 
Visconti in Milan. " Lombardy " is here used in a wide 

3. "In these troubled times," says Del Lungo, "sen- 
tences ordering compensation for damage done, for fines 
inflicted, and the like, were frequent. Rosso della Tosa, 
for his own private ends, refused to take advantage of such 
benefits, and even reconciled himself to the persons against 
whom sentence had passed in his favour." Corso Donati, 
as Dino tells us in the next sentence, took the directly 
opposite course. 

4. Si guardavano a' fianchi, i.e. were looking all round 
them to see what supporters they could muster, and against 
what enemies they must guard themselves. The similar 
expression il ponetevi mente . . . a Jianchi " occurs in Conv. 
iv. 6 : 180. 

5. M. Corso being regarded as the first man in the Guelf 
party. By the " Tuscans" are meant the other Guelf cities 
in Tuscany. 

6. I.e. the White exiles and their allies. 

7. Because Pope Boniface supported the Blacks, among 
whom was Rossellino della Tosa (I. 21), whereas Baldo 
della Tosa (see I. 22) and his uncle, the Bishop, were 
Whites. With regard to Baldo's presence in Florence at 
this time, we must understand that he had been among 
those recalled from banishment the year before (see II. 34, 
at the end). And the same observation holds good of 
most of the other Whites who in this Book are referred to 
as being in Florence. The number of those who escaped 
exile was very small. 

8. Contrary to his usual practice Dino here and just 
afterwards uses the word popolani to denote the popolo 
minuto, not the popolo grasso. 

9. The term "praise" here denotes the influential posi- 
tion the Bordoni had acquired with the government. They 
seem to have been a turbulent family (see II. 17). 

10. It will be remembered that Rosso della Tosa was 
a Magnate, and only in appearance a supporter of the 
popolani, and a certain esprit de corps would prevent him, at 
least for the present, from allowing the popolano family of 
the Bordoni to go too far against Corso Donati. 

11. I.e. the followers of M. Rosso, the popolani who were 
in control of the government. 

12. The rate [cf. II. 34) was made on the basis of a valua- 


tion of real property, for the purpose of raising the money 
needed for the purchase of corn to prevent a famine. Vil- 
lani states (viii. 68) that the market price of corn had risen 
to over 2.6 soldi (half a florin, or about five shillings of our 
money) a bushel at this time. The government therefore 
were selling it at less than half-price. 

13. See I. 10, n. 10. 

14. This statement applies to the three measures referred 
to in the earlier part of the sentence. The government 
" showed no mercy " (1) in selling the corn instead of giving 
it away ; (2) in raising the money to purchase the corn by 
a specially unpopular method ; (3) in choosing a time when 
the citizens were suffering from want of food to raise a paid 
military force. 

15. See II. 30, n. 3. 


Fight in the city between the factions of Rosso 
della Tosa and Corso Donati (Feb. 4, 1304). 
The Lucchese called in to restore peace. The 
Ordinances of Justice put in force against the 
Tornaquinci (April 1304). 

Since the conspirators who were with M. Corso 
continued to use defiant language, the other party- 
sent for the Lucchese, who thought by means of 
conciliatory words to take from him the strongholds 
that he held (1) ; and [the government], having 
set him a time within which to surrender them, 
passed sentence upon him in case of his refusing to 
hand them over to the Lucchese [when they should 
have arrived] (2). 

M. Corso, not choosing to allow himself to be 
overpowered, summoned his friends, and gathered 
together many exiles (3), and Neri of Lucardo (4), a 
brave warrior, came to his aid. He [himself] came 


armed into the Piazza on horseback, and fought 
fiercely against the Palace of the Signory with 
crossbows and with fire. 

The other party, at whose head was M. Rosso 
della Tosa, together with the greater part of his 
kinsmen, and the Pazzi, Frescobaldi, Gherardini, 
Spini, and the people and many popolani (5), came 
to the defence of the palace and brought about a 
great fight, wherein M. Lotteringo Gherardini was 
slain by an arrow (6), which was a great misfor- 
tune, for he was an able man. 

M. Rosso della Tosa and his followers elected 
the new Signory, and installed them in the palace 
by night, without sound of trumpet or other honours. 
Barricades were set up throughout the city, and 
for about a month [the citizens] remained under 

The Lucchese, who had come into Florence 
to make peace, received great authority from the 
Commonwealth (7). The Magnates to a great 
extent disclosed themselves, and expressed their 
desire that the laws against Magnates should be 
abolished. The number of the Priors was 
doubled (8) ; yet, none the less, the Magnates' 
party remained full of pride and presumption. 

It happened in those days that Testa Tornaquinci 
and a son of Bingeri, his kinsman, wounded a popo- 
/ano, their neighbour, in the Old Market, and left him 
for dead, and none durst succour him for fear of 
them. But the popolani, who had become reassured, 
were filled with wrath, and went armed to the 
abode of the Tornaquinci with the Gonfalon of 
Justice, set fire to their palace, and burned and 
destroyed it on account of their presumption. 


i. See I. 27, n. 5. 

2. In Dec. 1303 the government had been authorised to 
summon the Lucchese to keep order in the city ; but they 
were not sent for until the civil war described in this chapter 
had broken out. In the meantime they had been trying to 
induce Corso to hand over the strongholds to them. 

3. Sbanditi, i.e. exiles under sentence of outlawry (see 
II. 23, n. 1), not confinati. 

4. In the valley of the Elsa, a river which flows north- 
west and falls into the Arno near Empoli. 

5. As the "people" in Dino means the popolani, the 
term popolani may possibly here be used in the sense 
of popolo mimito as in the previous chapter. The popolo 
minuto did indeed side with Corso Donati, but the populace 
is proverbially fickle, and some of them may very likely have 
been found in the opposite camp at this juncture. 

6. He did not die till the ioth, six days later. His tomb 
is still to be seen in the cloister of S. Stefano, with an in- 
scription stating that he died " in defence of the Florentine 

7. The ample powers conferred on the Lucchese govern- 
ment in the previous December were confirmed on Feb. 16. 

8. That is to say, the Signory which came into office on 
Feb. 16 consisted of fourteen members, including the Gon- 
falonier. The next Signory, who came into office on April 
16, was of the same number also. 


The Cardinal of Prato on his arrival in Florence 
receives authority to effect a general pacifica- 
tion. He succeeds in healing some disputes 
among the Black Magnates, and takes mea- 
sures for reconciling the Blacks with the White 
exiles, but his efforts are thwarted by the 
Blacks (March to May 1304). 

The Cardinal Nicholas of Prato, whom the Whites 
and Ghibellines of Florence had secretly asked 
Pope Benedict to send as Legate in Tuscany, arrived 


in Florence on the 10th of March 1303 (1), and 
very great honour was paid him by the people of 
Florence ; they carried olive branches, and there 
was great rejoicing. Having stayed some days in 
Florence, and finding the citizens very much divided, 
he asked the people for authority to enable him to 
compel the citizens (2) to make peace, which was 
granted him until the 1st of May 1304, and was 
afterwards prolonged for a year. And he effected 
several reconciliations among the citizens within 
[the city] ; but afterwards the people became cold, 
and many cavilling objections were put forward. 
The Bishop of Florence favoured the peace, because 
it brought with it justice and wealth ; and at the 
request of the Cardinal he became reconciled to M. 
Rosso his kinsman (3). The Cardinal re-established 
the Gonfalons of the Companies : M. Corso's friends 
had a share in these appointments (4), and he him- 
self was elected a Captain of the party (5). Every 
one was favourable to the Cardinal, who, in hope [of 
making peace], so appeased them with soft words 
that they allowed him to elect delegates. These 
were M. Ubertino dello Strozza and Ser Bono of 
Ognano for the party within, and M. Lapo Rico- 
vero and Ser Petracco di Ser Parenzo of Ancisa for 
the party without [the city] (6). 

On the 26th of April 1304, the people being 
assembled in the Piazza of S. Maria Novella in the 
presence of the Signory, many reconciliations were 
brought about, and the parties kissed one another 
on the mouth as a sign that peace was made ; and 
contracts of reconciliation were drawn up : and 
they imposed penalties on any who should violate 
the peace ; and with olive branches in their hands 


they reconciled the Gherardini to the Amieri (7). 
And so much did the peace appear to please every 
one that although a great rain came on that day, no 
one went away, nor did they seem to feel it. The 
bonfires were large, the church bells rang, and 
every one rejoiced ; but at the palace of the Gian- 
figliazzi, where great bonfires were wont to be made 
on occasions of fighting, nothing was done that 
evening ; and good people talked much about this, 
saying that it was not seemly behaviour on an occa- 
sion of peace. The Companies of the people went 
about holding high festival in the name of the 
Cardinal, with the banners which they had received 
from him in the Piazza of Santa Croce. 

M. Rosso della Tosa continued in great wrath, 
because it seemed to him that the peace had gone 
too far beyond what he wished. And therefore he 
thought to hasten on the carrying out of his design 
with the rest of his party (8), because they left him 
to do as he pleased, and showed themselves friendly 
towards him. And they did it all in order to gain 
Pistoja, about which they had great misgivings, 
seeing that their adversaries held it, and M. Tolo- 
sato degli Uberti was there (9). And meanwhile 
the return of the horsemen and foot-soldiers of the 
Whites to Monte Accenico from succouring Forli 
(10) made the Guelfs who were within [the city] 
begin to speak with guile and to thwart the peace ; 
and after [doing] many other things, they called 
upon the Buondelmonti to become reconciled to 
the Uberti (about which matter many councils 
were held) in order to delay the peace, for that 
reconciliation was a thing impossible (11). 

On the 6th of May 1304, the Priors commis- 


sioned the Cardinal and four men selected by the 
Pope to carry out the universal pacification, that is 
to say, M. Martino della Torre of Milan, M. 
Antonio of Fostierato of Lodi, M. Antonio de' 
Brusciati of Brescia (12), and M. Guidotto de* 
Bugni of Bergamo. 

1. 1304 N.S. (see III. i, at the end). 

2. I.e. all the citizens, whether in exile or not. The 
Cardinal's aim was to make peace (a) between Blacks and 
Blacks (the factions of Rosso della Tosa and Corso Donati) ; 
(b) between Blacks and Whites ; (c) between Guelfs and 
Ghibellines. The phrase "universal pacification" (pace 
universale) which occurs at the end of this chapter includes 
all these reconciliations (cf. Villani, viii. 69). 

3. See III. 2. 

4. Viz. the appointments in connection with the reorgan- 
ised companies (see II. 22, n. 4), now nineteen in number. 

5. I.e. one of the Captains of the Guelf party (see II. 5, 
n. 7). 

6. See I. 12 (at the beginning); II. 25, n. 19. Observe 
that each party was represented by a doctor of law and a 

7. The enmity between these families must have been 
specially notorious for Dino to give such prominence to the 

8. I.e. with the followers of Corso Donati as well as his 
own. He was strongly opposed to any peace with the 
Whites and Ghibellines, and desired to profit by the lull in 
the storm to unite the whole Black party in an attempt to 
wrest Pistoja out of the hands of the Whites (cf. II. 27). 

9. See, as to Tolosato degli Uberti, II. 29, n. 4 ; 36. 

10. Forli (see II. 28) had been threatened by the Guelf 
forces under the command of Tebaldo Brusciati, whom 
Pope Benedict had appointed Count of Romagna. The 
fact of the White exiles having taken part in this cam- 
paign would alarm and exasperate the Blacks, and make 
them less disposed than ever to make peace. 

11. Because of the origin of the feud between the Buon- 
delmonti and the Uberti (see I. 2) which had now lasted 
nearly a hundred years. 

12. It should be "of Novara." The Pope nominated 
these four persons alternatively to act as Podesta, but all of 
them in succession declined to accept the office. As to 
Antonio of Fostierato, see III. 26, n. 9. 



In order to delay the carrying out of the pacification 
in Florence, the Blacks of the following of 
Rosso della Tosa persuade the Cardinal to visit 
Pistoja and make peace there. Ill success of 
his mission. The people of Prato, who had 
welcomed him on his way to Pistoja, refuse 
to allow him to enter their city on his return 
(May 1304). 

Those who were in opposition to the Pope's will, 
no longer wishing to endure the burden of the Car- 
dinal (1) nor to allow the peace to take deeper root, 
accomplished so much with false words that they 
induced the Cardinal to leave Florence by saying 
to him : " Messere, before you proceed any further 
in carrying out the peace, make us certain that Pis- 
toja will obey (2) ; for if <we make peace and Pis- 
toja remains in our adversaries' hands, we shall be 
duped." And they did not say this because they 
wished for peace, even if Pistoja were secured, but 
in order to prolong the negotiations for the peace. 
And so greatly did they move him with plausible 
words, that on the 8th of May 1304 he left 
Florence, and, going by the way of Campi, lodged 
at a beautiful country house of Rinuccio di Senno 

The next day he rode to Prato, where he was 
born and where he had never been since. And 
here he was received with much honour and great 
dignity: olive-branches were carried; knights bore 
banners and a standard of taffeta ; the people and 


the women decked themselves out ; the streets were 
arched over ; there was dancing and music ; and 
they shouted, " Long live the Lord [Cardinal]." 
But they soon changed this welcome into contumely, 
just as the Jews did to Christ, as will be related 

On that same day he rode on to Pistoja, and 
talked with the chief men and rulers of the city ; 
and with him rode M. Geri Spini, who had pre- 
pared his outfit, thinking that he would be appointed 
one of the Magistrates (3) of the city. They were 
received by M. Tolosato degli Uberti and the 
people with great honour, and a limited authority 
(4) was granted him by the people, but he was not 
to hand over the city to others. Therefore, seeing 
that those who held the city were very wary, he lost 
hope of securing it ; and so he returned towards 
Prato, which he thought he should be able to enter 
by the strength of his kinsmen and his friends; but 
he could not (5). 

1. I.e. the exercise of his authority as peacemaker. The 
"opponents of the Pope's will" were Rosso della Tosa and 
his faction. See preceding chapter. 

2. I.e. will submit to the pacification. 

3. I.e. he reckoned on being made Podesta or Captain of 
the People {cf. I. 25, n. 1). Geri Spini was one of the 
leaders among the Blacks (II. 26). 

4. See below, III. 13. 

5. While the Cardinal was at Pistoja, the Blacks at 
Florence of Rosso della Tosa's faction had stirred up the 
people of Prato against him, and his relations and adherents 
had been driven out of that city, as stated in the next 
chapter (see Villani, viii. 69). 




The Cardinal returns to Florence and proclaims a 
crusade against Prato. The Florentine army 
marches against Prato, but makes peace with 
the inhabitants. Serious discord in Florence 
between the peace party (Magnates and popu- 
lace) and the war party (Rosso della Tosa and 
his adherents) (May 1304). 

Hearing what had been plotted against him in 
Prato, the Cardinal at once departed and returned 
to Florence ; and he declared war against the in- 
habitants of Prato, and excommunicated them and 
proclaimed a crusade against them, offering remis- 
sion of sins to any one who should do them any 
harm. His kinsmen and friends were punished ( 1 ) 
and driven from Prato. 

The Podesta of Florence, with the mounted 
militia ( 2 ) and soldiers in the pay of the Common- 
wealth, invaded the territory of Prato and took up 
their position in the dry bed of the river Bisenzio at 
Olmo a Mezzano, where they remained until after 
Nones. There came out certain from Prato to 
treat for peace, apologizing to the Cardinal, and 
offering to do what he wished ; and so they escaped 
the fury £of their assailants^]. For there were 
many in the army who would willingly have pillaged 
their territory and attempted to conquer the city ; 
those, I mean, who were of the Cardinal's mind. 

The other leaders of the Black party (3) and 
their followers were uttering many words full of 
discord. And even while the horsemen were 
drawn up in position, the war [against Prato] was 
nearly at an end, so great was the discord that had 


arisen among the citizens [in Florence] (4) ; and 
if the discord had proceeded further, the Magnates 
and the populace (5), to whom the pacification was 
acceptable, and who were friends to the Cardinal, 
would have had the upper hand, to judge by the 
wishes expressed. They of the house of the 
Cavalcanti also showed themselves very favourably 
disposed towards [the Cardinal's supporters] (6). 

The army departed and came back to Campi, 
where they remained all that day. The next day 
they returned to Florence, because the Cardinal 
allowed himself to be misled by words, thinking to 
do his best for peace (7). But his kinsmen, who 
had been driven away with ignominy, did not return 
to Prato, not trusting themselves [there] ; and after- 
wards they were outlawed. 

1. Furono disfatti (lit. were undone). Disfare is here pro- 
bably used (as in I. 12, I. 15) in the technical sense of " to 
demolish the houses and lay waste the property" of any one. 

2. See III. 2 ; I. 10, n. 10. 

3. Viz. those who were not "of the Cardinal's mind," 
that is to say, Rosso della Tosa and his following. 

4. The meaning is, that in the excited condition of 
Florence it would in any case have been necessary to recall 
the troops and end the war against Prato. 

5. Popolo, here used as equivalent to popolo minuto. The 
" Magnates and populace" were the chief elements in the 
faction headed by Corso Donati (III. 2). The populace were 
probably sincere in wishing the pacification to proceed, but 
Corso and the Magnates only made a show of desiring it in 
order to ingratiate themselves with the Cardinal and procure 
his support against Rosso della Tosa and the popolani, who 
were trying to thwart his efforts to make peace. 

6. The Cavalcanti were one of the most powerful of the 
families of Florence. They have been already mentioned as 
members of Corso's " conspiracy" (III. 2). Some of them 
were Whites (see I. 22, II. 25), and these, at any rate, would 
be sincere in supporting the Cardinal. 

7. Dino seems to insinuate that the Cardinal ought to 
have insisted on the prosecution of the war against Prato, 


and was over-persuaded by his false friends, Rosso della 
Tosa and his party, to abandon the crusade in the interests 
of peace. But as Rosso della Tosa's party, who controlled 
the government, had themselves stirred up Prato to resist 
the Cardinal, it was not likely that they would have prose- 
cuted the war with effect, even had it been possible for them 
to attempt it \cf. note 4 to this chapter), since the army 
itself was divided in its wishes, as stated above in the text. 


Abortive conference between representatives of the 
Whites and Ghibelline exiles and of the Blacks. 
The Cardinal leaves Florence (June 1304). 

The Cardinal applied himself to hasten the 
[negotiations for J the peace, and to carry it into 
execution. And in order to settle the differences, 
he resolved to send for some of the leaders of the 
exiles, and he chose fourteen of them. They came 
to Florence by permission [of the government]] and 
under safe-conduct, and stayed in Oltrarno in the 
houses of the Mozzi, where they put up barricades 
and stationed guards so that they might not be 
attacked. The names of some of them are: M. 
[Piggello] dei Conti, of Gangalandi, Lapo di M. 
Azzolino degli Uberti, Baschiera di M. Bindo della 
Tosa, Baldinaccio Adimari, Giovanni de' Cerchi, 
Naldo di M. Lottino Gherardini, and several others. 
And the names of some of the [representatives of] 
the Black party who were in Florence [are] : M. 
Corso Donati, M. Rosso della Tosa, M. Pazzino 
de' Pazzi, M. Geri Spini, M. Maruccio Cavalcanti, 
M. Betto Brunelleschi, and several others (1). 

When the representatives of the White party 
came to Florence they were greatly honoured by 


the common people. Many men and women of 
old Ghibelline families kissed the coat of arms of 
the Uberti, and Lapo di M. Azzolino was carefully 
guarded by the Magnates who were their friends, 
because those of his house had many deadly feuds 
with many Guelf pofto/atii (2). 

Baschiera della Tosa was also much honoured, 
and he honoured M. Rosso in word and in behaviour 
( 3 ) . And the people were filled with great hope, 
because the Whites and Ghibellines determined to 
let themselves be guided by the Blacks, and to 
consent to their demands, so that they might have 
no excuse to draw back from the peace. But the 
Blacks had no wish for peace, and so put them off 
with talk that the Whites (4) were advised to 
repair to the houses of the Cavalcanti, and there 
to gather their friends in strength, and not to leave 
their city ; and many wise men said that if they 
could have done this, they would have been con- 
querors. But [though] they sent messengers to 
the Cavalcanti on the Cardinal's behalf and on 
their own, requesting them [to receive them], the 
Cavalcanti after taking counsel about it agreed not 
to receive them. This counsel turned out ill for 
them, according to the common opinion, for great 
damage came upon them and their houses through 
fire and other causes, as will be told hereafter. 

The Whites, when the Cavalcanti would not 
receive them and when they observed their 
adversaries' suspicious mien and the words they 
used, [consulted their friends and] were advised to 
depart ; and this they did on the 8th of June 1304. 
The Cardinal remained. Those to whom his 
presence was unwelcome made a show of attacking 


him ; and one family, called the Quaratesi, who 
lived near the Mozzi and the palace where the 
Cardinal was staying, made as though they would 
shoot him (5). Therefore, when he complained 
of this, he was advised to leave the city, and so, 
being in fear, he departed on the 9th of June, 
leaving the city in evil plight ; and he went to 
Perugia where the Pope was. 

1. The number of representatives on each side was pro- 
bably twelve, not fourteen (cf. G. Villani, viii. 69). 

2. A striking example of the instinct of the Magnates to 
hang together in their hostility to the fopolani. 

3. I.e. Baschiera (see II. 24) paid to his aged kinsman 
Rosso (see below, III. 38) all outward marks of respect. 

4. Observe the significant omission of their Ghibelline 

5. Cf. I. 21, n. 10. 


The Blacks, both of Rosso della Tosa's and Corso 
Donati's factions, attack the Cavalcanti, and 
set the city on fire. Enormous destruction of 
property. The Cavalcanti driven out of the 
city (June 1304). 

The good citizens became very angry and lost hope 
of peace. The Cavalcanti and many others com- 
plained, and so greatly did men's minds become 
inflamed that the people armed themselves and 
began to attack one another (1). The Della Tosa 
and the Medici came armed into the Old Market, 
shooting with their cross-bows, [going thence] 
towards the Corso degli Adimari and down 
through Calimala (2), and they attacked and 


overthrew a barricade in the Corso which was 
guarded by people who had more mind for 
vengeance than for peace. 

M. Rossellino della Tosa came with his troop 
to the houses of the Sassetti, in order to set fire to 
them ; the Cavalcanti and others came up to their 
assistance ; and in this collision Nerone Cavalcanti 
encountered M. Rossellino, and he lowered his 
lance against him and struck it against his breast, so 
that he threw him from his horse. 

The leaders of the Black party had prepared 
artificial fire, believing that there must certainly 
be fighting. And they came to an understanding 
with one, Ser Neri Abati, Prior of S. Piero 
Scheraggio (3), a wicked and dissolute man, his 
kinsmen's enemy (4), and ordered him to set the 
first fire alight. And so on the 10th of June 1304 
he set fire to his kinsmen's houses in Orto San 
Michele (5). From the Old Market fire was 
shot into Calimala, and it spread so greatly through 
not being checked that, added to the first fire, it 
burnt many houses and palaces and shops. 

In Orto San Michele there was a large loggia 
with an oratory of Our Lady, in which there were 
many votive images of wax, and when in addition 
to the heat of the air these caught fire, all the 
houses which were round that spot were burnt, 
besides the warehouses of Calimala, and all the 
shops which were round the Old Market as far as 
the New Market and the houses of the Cavalcanti, 
and [the houses] in Vacchereccia and Porta Santa 
Maria as far as the Old Bridge ; for it is said that 
more than 1 900 dwellings were burnt ; and no 
remedy could be applied. 


The thieves openly plunged into the fire to rob 
and carry away what they could get, and nothing 
was said to them. And whoever saw his property 
being carried off durst not demand it back, because 
the city was in utter confusion. 

The Cavalcanti lost heart and life that day 
when they saw their houses and palaces burning, and 
the shops which, on account of the high rents paid by 
reason of the limited space, kept them in affluence. 

Many citizens, fearing the fire, removed their goods 
to another place where they thought they would be 
safe from the fire, but it extended so far that many 
lost their goods by their efforts to save them, and 
were ruined. 

To the end that the truth about such a crime 
may be known, and for what reason the said fire 
was made, and where : — The leaders of the Black 
party, in order to drive away the Cavalcanti from 
the place (whom they feared because they were 
rich and powerful), prepared the said fire at 
Ognissanti (6) ; and it was composed in such a 
way that when any of it fell to the ground it left 
a blue colour. This fire the said Ser Neri Abati 
brought away in a pot and put it in his kinsmen's 
houses ; and M. Rosso della Tosa and others shot 
it into Calimala. 

Sinibaldo, son of M. Corso Donati, came with 
a large quantity of the said fire put up like a lighted 
torch to place it in the houses of the Cavalcanti in 
the New Market, while Boccaccio Adimari with 
his followers [camej by the Corso degli Adimari 
as far as Orto San Michele. The Cavalcanti 
advanced against them, drove them back into the 
Corso, and took from them the barricade which 


they had made. Then they set fire to the houses 
of the Macci in the Corte delle Badesse (7). 

The Podesta of the city came into the New 
Market with his retinue and with many hired 
soldiers ; but he gave no aid nor did anything to 
check the conflagration. They watched the fire, 
remaining on horseback and causing hindrance by 
blocking up the space ; for they impeded the foot- 
soldiers and passers-by. 

The Cavalcanti and many others watched the 
fire, and had not courage enough to go against 
their enemies after it was extinguished ; whereas 
they might have conquered them and remained 
masters. However, M. Maruccio Cavalcanti and 
M. Rinieri Lucardesi advised them to take vessels 
filled with fire (8), and go to burn the houses of 
the enemies who had burnt theirs. This advice 
was not followed ; although, if they had followed 
it (seeing the other party was making no resistance) 
they would have been victorious. But sad and 
grieving they betook themselves to their kinsmen's 
houses, while their enemies took courage and drove 
them from the city. Some of them went to Ostina, 
others to Le Stinche (9) to their estates, and many 
to Siena, because they had hopes that the Sienese 
would reconcile them [to their enemies]. And so 
the time passed without their being reconciled ; 
and they were reputed cowards by every one. 

1. The Cavalcanti by favouring the policy of reconcilia- 
tion with the exiles to which both Corso Donati and Rosso 
della Tosa were openly or secretly adverse, and by their 
relations with the White party (see III. 6, n. 5, 6, and 
III. 7), had managed to unite both Corso and Rosso against 
them. But, as Del Lungo points out (I. 564), their real 
guilt in the eyes of their enemies was that they were too 


numerous and too powerful in the city. The account given 
by Villani (viii. 71) of this fresh outbreak and of the burning 
of the city should be compared with Dino's. 

2. I.e. the armed force assembled in the Old Market 
(Mercato Vecchio), now represented by the Piazza Vittorio 
Emanuele II. , and then divided, some going along the Corso 
degli Adimari, now represented by the Via Calzaiuoli, 
others along the Calimala (or Calimara, now Via di Cali- 
mara), which ran N. and S. parallel to the Corso degli 
Adimari. The origin of the name Calimala or Calimara 
is uncertain. The "Corso" mentioned just below, where 
the barricade was, ran westward out of the Old Market, 
and is not to be confounded with the Corso degli Adimari. 

3. The church of S. Piero Scheraggio (see Villani, iii. 2), 
in which the Councils of the Commonwealth often met, 
occupied part of the site of the existing Uffizi palace. 

4. His kinsmen were Ghibellines (II. 25), and he was a 
Black Guelf. 

5. Orto S. Michele was a piazza which derived its name 
from a church (destroyed before Dino's time) dedicated to 
S. Michael, and originally built on the site of a garden 
(Orto). The piazza was close to the Old Market, and 
Calimala ran along its eastern side. 

6. Outside the city. 

7. A piazza near Orto S. Michele. 

8. Lumiere. These were a kind of iron baskets carried 
on poles and filled with burning fuel. 

9. Ostina was a fortress in the upper valley of the Arno ; 
Le Stinche was a fortress between the valleys of the Greve 
and the Pesa, a short distance south of Florence. The 
Cavalcanti were subsequently reinstated (see III. 40, 


Visit of the Black chiefs to the Pope at Perugia. 
Death of the Pope (June to July 1304). 

The citizens in Florence were left ruined by the 
calamitous fire, and were dismayed because they 
durst not complain of those who had kindled it, 
for these were the men that were tyrannously 


holding the government ; however the rulers 
[themselves] also lost very many of their goods. 

The chiefs among the rulers, knowing for certain 
that infamous charges would be brought against 
them before the Holy Father, determined to go to 
Perugia, where the Court was (1). 

Those who went there [were] M. Corso Donati, 
M. Rosso della Tosa, M. Pazzino de' Pazzi, M. 
Geri Spini and M. Betto Brunelleschi, with certain 
Lucchese and Sienese. They thought that by 
plausible words, by money, and through the power 
of friends they would be able to wipe out the 
insult done to the Cardinal-Legate and Peacemaker 
in Tuscany, as well as the great infamy they had 
incurred through the fire they had most ruthlessly 
kindled in the city. They arrived at Court, 
where they began to sow some of the seed they 
had brought. 

On the 22nd of July 1304 (2), Pope Bene- 
dict XI. died in Perugia of poison placed in some 
fresh figs which had been sent to him. 

1. See Villani, viii. 72. 

2. It should be the 7th of July. 


In the absence of the Black leaders at Perugia, 
the White exiles and their allies attempt to 
capture Florence by surprise, but through the 
rashness and mismanagement of Baschiera della 
Tosa the attack is beaten off (July 1304). 

While the said [persons] (1) were staying at 
Perugia, a bold plan was formed by the Florentine 


exiles, which was, secretly to summon all those 
who were of like mind to assemble on a fixed day 
in arms at a certain place ; and so secretly did 
they contrive the plot, that those who had remained 
in Florence heard nothing of it. And having 
made their arrangements, they suddenly appeared 
at La Lastra, two miles distant from Florence, 
with 1 200 men-at-arms (2) on horseback, in white 
cloaks ; and the Bolognese, Romagnoles, Aretines, 
and other friends (3) were there on horseback and 
on foot. 

The excitement throughout the city was great. 
The Blacks were very much afraid of their adver- 
saries, and began to speak humble words. And 
many hid themselves in the monasteries, and many 
clad themselves as friars for fear of their enemies, 
for they had no other defence, seeing they were 
taken unawares. 

One night while the Whites and Ghibellines 
were at La Lastra, many of their friends in the 
city went to urge them to come quickly. It 
was S. Mary Magdalen's Day, the 21st of July 
(4) ; and the heat was great. And the troops 
who should have been there, were not yet all 
come ; for the first who came had made their 
appearance two days before [the time fixed]. 

M. Tolosato degli Uberti had not yet arrived 
with the Pistojans (5), because it was not the day 
appointed. The Cavalcanti, the Gherardini, the 
Lucardesi, the Scolari from the Val di Pesa had 
not yet come down [from their castles]. But now 
that [the exiles] saw that they were discovered, 
Baschiera, who was acting as captain and, like a 
young man, was swayed more by passion than by 


reason, finding himself with good troops and being 
much urged [to advance] thought to gain the 
merit of the victory, and went down to the city 
with the horsemen. 

And this they ought not to have done, for the 
night was more their friend than the day, both on 
account of the heat of the day, and because their 
friends (6) would have come out of the city to them 
by night, and because they broke the appointment 
made with their friends, who did not reveal them- 
selves [as such] because it was not the hour 

They came by San Gallo, and in the "Cafaggio" 
of the Bishop (7) they drew up in array, close 
to San Marco, with white banners unfurled, with 
garlands of olive, and with drawn swords, crying 
" Peace," without doing violence or robbery to 
any. It was very beautiful to behold them standing 
in array, with the sign of peace (8). The heat 
was great, so that it seemed as if the air were on 
fire. Their skirmishers on foot and on horseback 
pressed on close to the city, and came to the gate 
of the Spadai (9), [since] Baschiera thought he 
would have friends there, and would enter it 
without opposition ; and therefore they did not 
come prepared, nor with their axes and weapons 
to force the gate. The barricades of the suburb 
were contested against them ; yet they broke them 
down, wounding and slaying many Gangalandesi 
(10) who were there on guard. They arrived 
at the gate, and many entered the city by the 

Those [Blacks] within the city who had given 
them promises (11) did not hold to their agree- 


ment — (such as the Pazzi, the Magalotti, and M. 
Lambertuccio Frescobaldi, who were angry with 
their own party, some on account of outrages and 
affronts endured, some on account of the fire 
kindled in the city, and other wrongs done to 
them), — but on the contrary they opposed [the 
exiles] in order to show themselves not guilty (12) ; 
and they made greater efforts in attacking [the 
exiles] than the rest [of the Blacks] : they came 
to S. Reparata (13), shooting with cross-bows 
furnished with gaffles (14). 

Yet nothing would have availed had not a palace 
at the side of the gate of the city been set alight. 
Those, therefore, who had already entered the 
city, fearing they were betrayed, turned back ; 
and carrying away the wicket of the gate, they 
reached the main squadron, which did not ad- 
vance. And meanwhile the fire was spreading 

Halting thus in the position he occupied, Bas- 
chiera perceived that those who ought to have 
favoured him were opposing him, and therefore 
he turned the horsemen back and retreated ; and 
their hope and joy was changed to weeping ; for 
their vanquished adversaries became vanquishers, 
and took courage like lions and pursued them, 
skirmishing, yet with great caution. The foot- 
soldiers, overcome by the heat of the sun, flung 
themselves into the vineyards and the houses to 
hide themselves, and many died from exhaustion. 

Baschiera rushed into the monastery of San 
Domenico, and took out by force two of his 
nieces, who were very rich, and carried them off 
with him (15). And therefore God punished him. 


Many [of the Black] nobles remained at the 
house of Carlettino de* Pazzi to gather their forces 
and inflict loss on their enemies ; and they sent 
skirmishers after them, but did not pursue them 
any more (16). 

A short distance from the city [the retreating 
exiles] encountered M. Tolosato degli Uberti, who 
was coming with the Pistojans to meet them on 
the day named. He tried to make them go back 
and could not ; therefore, with great sorrow he 
returned to Pistoja, and well he knew that 
Baschiera's youthful rashness had lost him the 

The Blacks slew many of the exiles who were 
found in hiding, and put to death many poor sick 
persons also, whom they dragged from the hos- 
pitals. Very many Bolognese and Aretines were 
taken, and they hanged them all. But the next 
day those who were crafty raised a false report, 
saying that M. Corso Donati and M. Cante 
de' Gabrielli of Gubbio had taken Arezzo by 
treachery; on which account their enemies (17) 
were so dismayed that they lost their energy and 
durst not stir. 

1. I.e. the Black leaders who, as stated in the preceding 
chapter, had gone to Perugia. 

2. See I. 10, n. 4. 

3. I.e. other members of the league mentioned in II. 32. Cf. 
Villani, viii. 72, who attributes the scheme to the Cardinal 
of Prato. The reader is strongly advised to compare this 
chapter of Dino with Villani's narrative. 

4. The right date is July 20, S. Margaret's Day. S. 
Mary Magdalen's Day is not the 21st, but the 22nd of 

5. See III. 4 and 5. 

6. I.e. their friends in the city mentioned above, viz. Whites 


and Ghibellines who had either not been exiled or had been 

7. San Gallo (referred to just below as the "suburb") 
lay on the north-east side of Florence, between the " second 
circle " of walls of the city {cf. II. 17, n. 8), which was still 
existing, but partly ruinous, and the third circle, which, 
though begun in 1284, was still unfinished, and consequently 
afforded no protection to S. Gallo. The " Cafaggio " was 
an estate belonging to the bishop, and was situate between 
the churches of S. Marco and of the Annunziata. The name 
Cafaggio is derived from Cafagium or Cafadium, a word 
of Lombardic origin, and said to mean either property 
enclosed by hedges or ditches, or the principal house on 
an estate. 

8. Cf Dante, Epistola, i. 26 (the authenticity of this 
Epistle is disputed). 

9. I.e. of the sword-makers. The name originally be- 
longed to a gate in the first circle of walls, but was popularly 
applied to the corresponding gate in the second circle. 
The correct name was Porta della Via Nuova {cf II. 17, 
n. 8). 

10. These were a body of the Contado militia (see I. 21, 
n. 8, and II. 15, n. 5) from Gangalandi, a village in the 
Arno valley, a short distance west of Florence. 

11. These malcontent Blacks must be carefully distin- 
guished from the "friends" of the exiles mentioned above 
in this chapter [cf. n. 6). 

12. I.e. to purge themselves of the guilt of supporting the 
White exiles. 

13. An ancient parish church, afterwards absorbed into 
the existing cathedral, which was begun in 1298. 

14. A gaffie {tor?iio) was a kind of windlass used for the 
purpose of bending the bow. Cross-bows furnished with 
this appliance were of course much more formidable 
weapons than the smaller ones worked by hand or 

15. As a means of making profitable alliances, two rich 
nieces to give in marriage would be a valuable asset to 

16. I.e. there was no effective pursuit of the retreating 
Whites. The "skirmishers" were undisciplined retainers 
of certain Magnates (Del Lungo, i. 572, 599.) Cf. next 

17. I.e. the Whites and Ghibellines within and without 
the city. 



Dino's reflections on the failure of the Whites to 
seize the city. 

And thus the regained city was lost by grievous 
error ; and many said that if the exiles had come 
by any other gate they would have won the city. 
For [the Blacks] had none to defend them except 
some young men who would not have advanced 
within reach of danger as Gherarduccio di M. 
Buondelmonte did, who pursued [the exiles] until 
one of them turned back to await him, thrust his 
lance against him and laid him on the ground. 

The exiles' plan was wise and vigorous ; but 
their advance was rash because it was too sudden 
and was made before the appointed day. 

The Aretines and Bolognese carried away some 
of the wood of the wicket (1) ; which the Blacks 
considered to be a great shame done to them. 

Emergencies often put to the proof the men 
who are great not in their character but in 
their own talk : and this was seen on the day 
when the Whites came to the city ; for many 
of the citizens changed their tone, their dress, 
and their ways. Those very men who were 
wont to speak most proudly against the exiles 
changed their language and said in the piazzas 
and elsewhere how worthy a thing it was that the 
exiles should return to their homes. And it was 
fear rather than desire or a sense of justice that 
made them say this. Many also took refuge in 
religious houses, not from humility, but from abject 



and miserable cowardice, believing that the city 
would be lost. But when the Whites were gone, 
they resumed their former iniquitous, passionate, 
and lying words. 

i. I.e. the wicket of the Porta degli Spadai. G. Villani 
(viii. 72) says that the Aretines made off with the bolt of 
the wicket and put it as a trophy in their principal church of 
S. Donate 


Election of Pope Clement V. (June 5, 1305). His 
subserviency to King Philip IV. of France. 

The divine justice which oftentimes punishes 
secretly and takes away good pastors from wicked 
peoples who are unworthy of them, and gives them 
that which they deserve for their wickedness, took 
from them Pope Benedict. The cardinals, by the 
will of the king of France ::nd the exertions of 
the Colonna, elected [as Pope] in June 1305 
M. Ramondo dal Gotto (1), Archbishop of Bor- 
deaux in Gascony, who took the name of Clement 
V. He departed not from beyond the mountains 
nor did he come to Rome, but was consecrated at 
Lyons on the Rhone. It was reported that at 
his consecration the place where he was fell down, 
that the crown fell from his head, and that the 
king of France would not let him depart thence (2). 
He created several ultramontane cardinals at the 
king's request, and made grants of tithes, and [did] 
other things [for the king], but [when] called upon 
to proclaim Pope Boniface a heretic he never 
would do it. 


1. The name should be Bertrand de Got. 

2. During the procession after the coronation (Nov. 14th) 
a wall on which a number of spectators were sitting fell 
just as the new Pope was passing. He was thrown from 
his horse and his crown fell off his head. Charles of Valois 
was injured, and the Duke of Brittany, Gaillard de Got 
(one of the Pope's brothers), Cardinal Matteo Rosso Orsini 
(who had crowned the Pope), and twelve other persons died 
of the injuries they received. Another brother of the Pope 
was killed some days later in an affray after a banquet given 
in honour of the Pope's first pontifical mass. 


The Blacks of Florence in alliance with the 
Lucchese besiege Pistoja, May 1305. 

The Cardinal Nicholas of Prato, who had strongly 
supported his (Pope Clement's) election, stood 
high in his favour. And, having been legate in 
Tuscany, as has been said (1), he had received 
authority fom the Pistojans to appoint their Magis- 
trates (2) for four years, to the end that he might 
have authority, in concluding the pence, to carry 
out what was demanded of Pistoja (3). For the 
Black party desired that the exiled Guelfs should 
return to Pistoja, and they said, " We will not 
make peace unless the Government of Pistoja be 
reformed, for if the pacification were carried out 
in Florence [only] the Ghibtllines would keep 
possession of Pistoja, since M. Tolosato is lord of 
it ; and thus we should be duped." And it was 
said that Pistoja had been given up to the Church 
(4). But the Cardinal's promise proved of no 
avail (5), because he was driven out of Florence, 
as has been related. 


The Blacks, having lost all hope of gaining 
Pistoja [by agreement], determined to seize it by 
force : and, with the aid of the Lucchese, they 
went and laid siege to the city. They fortified 
themselves there, and surrounded the city with 
palisades and constructed many wooden towers, 
which they strongly guarded. 

The city lay in the plain ; it was small, but 
well walled and embattled ; [it was furnished] with 
strongholds and fortified gates and with great moats 
filled with water, so that it could not be taken by 
assault ; but [the Florentines and Lucchese] set 
to work to starve it out, because it could not receive 
succour. The Pisans, who were the Pistojans' 
friends, helped them with money, but not with 
men; [and] the Bolognese were not. very friendly 
to them (6). 

i. III. 4. 

2. I.e. the Podesta and Captain of the People. 

3. I.e. as a guarantee that Pistoja, which was in the hands 
of the Whites and Ghibellines, should recall her Black exiles, 
just as Florence, which was in the hands of the Blacks, would 
recall her White and Ghibelline exiles, if the pacification 
were carried into effect. See III. 5, with which the pre- 
sent chapter is closely connected. The Blacks' contention 
was plausible, but it must not be forgotten that they were 
all the time doing their best to thwart the Cardinal's efforts 
to make peace. 

4. Implying that the Whites and Ghibellines as hostile 
to the Church must not be allowed to retain their supremacy 

5. The Cardinal's promise was his undertaking, given 
to the Whites and Ghibellines in Pistoja, to make peace 
between them and the Black Guelfs in Florence. 

6. Pisa was consistently Ghibelline. The White exiles 
who had found refuge in Bologna (see II. 32) were driven 
out from there in March 1306, less than a year after the 
beginning of the siege of Pistoja (see III. 17) ; though a 
Bolognese contingent had taken part in Baschiera della 
Tosa's attack on Florence (III. 10). 



The siege of Pistoja, 1305-1306. 

The Blacks elected for their Captain of War 
Robert, Duke of Calabria, the eldest son (1) of 
King Charles of Apulia (2), who came to Florence 
with 300 horsemen ; and together with the Luc- 
chese they remained a long time besieging Pistoja, 
because the Pistojans, who were brave men, often 
sallied forth to exchange blows with their enemies, 
and performed great acts of prowess. They slew 
many men of the Contado-militia of Florence and 
Lucca ; and held the city with few soldiers, because, 
on account of poverty, many had gone out of it. 
And not thinking to be besieged, they had not pro- 
vided themselves with supplies ; and after the siege 
was begun they could not ; therefore hunger was 
assailing them. The officials who were in charge 
of the supplies wisely distributed them in a secret 
manner. The women and the men who were of 
little use [in fighting^] would pass stealthily through 
the camp by night, and go for supplies to La Sam- 
buca and to other places and other fortresses in the 
direction of Bologna, and brought them into Pistoja 
without difficulty. When the Florentines found 
this out they strengthened themselves on that side 
in such a manner that little could be brought in that 
way ; however, for money, and by stealth some sup- 
plies were introduced, until the ditch was finished (3) 
and the wooden towers were made : and after that 
no more could be brought in ; for any one who 
brought provisions was seized and had his nose cut 


off; and they cut off the feet of some. And this 
caused such terror that no one durst bring in sup- 
plies any more. 

The lords and governors of the city would not 
abandon it, for they were men who were confident 
that they could defend themselves. The Pisans 
aided them with money, but not with men. IVL 
Tolosato Uberti and Agnolo di M. Guglielmino, 
the Magistrates (4), owing to scarcity of supplies, 
sent out all the poor, the children, the widows, and 
nearly all the other women of low estate. 

Ah ! how cruel a thing was this for the minds 
of the citizens to endure ! To see their women 
led to the gates of the city, and placed in the hands 
of their enemies, and shut out ! And any woman 
who had no powerful kinsmen without, or was not 
protected on account of her gentle birth, was out- 
raged by the enemy. And the exiles from Pis- 
toja (5) recognised the wives and children of their 
enemies, and outraged numbers of them ; but the 
Duke protected many of them. 

The new Pope Clement V., at the request of the 
Cardinal Nicholas of Prato, commanded the Duke 
Robert and the Florentines to raise the siege of 
Pistoja. The Duke obeyed and departed (6) : 
[but J the Florentines remained and elected as their 
Captain M. Bino de' Gabrielli of Gubbio. He 
had no pity on the citizens of Pistoja, who within 
the city kept down their tears and did not show 
their griefs, because they saw that they must do 
this in order not to die. They vented themselves 
against their adversaries ; whenever they seized one 
of them they cruelly slew him. But the most to 
be pitied were those who had been mutilated in the 


camp, for the enemy put them down with their feet 
cut off at the foot of the walls, in order that their 
fathers, brothers, or sons might see them. And 
these could not receive or help them, because the 
Signory (7) did not allow it lest the others should 
be demoralised thereby ; nor did they suffer them 
to be seen by their kinsmen and friends from the 
walls above. And thus died the good Pistojan 
citizens who had been mutilated by the enemy and 
driven towards their distressed and afflicted city. 

Sodom and Gomorrah, and the other cities which 
were overwhelmed in a moment and their inhabi- 
tants slain, had a far better fate than the Pistojans 
dying in such bitter sufferings. How did the wrath 
of God assail them ! How many, and what sins 
could they have [committed] to merit such sudden 
judgment ? The besiegers outside sustained much 
hart owing to the bad weather, the bad ground (8), 
and their great expenses ; and they burdened their 
citizens heavily, and spoiled the Ghibellines and 
Whites of money to such an extent as to ruin many 
of them. And in order to obtain money they de- 
vised a very ingenious measure, which was a tax 
levied on the citizens called the "Saw" (Sega). 
They levied so much a head a day on the Ghibel- 
lines and Whites ; on some three lire, on some two 
lire, and on some one lira, according to their esti- 
mate of what £each man]] could bear : and thus he 
who was placed under bounds was taxed just as he 
who was in the city. And on all fathers having 
sons able to bear arms they laid a certain tax, if 
the latter did not present themselves in the army 
within twenty days. The city sent them (9) there 
by Sesti (10), and by turns of twenty days. And 


the Florentines and Lucchese went so far as to 
ruin many of the militiamen of their contadi by keep- 
ing them [on service] without pay ; for they were 
poor, and they were obliged to remain under arms 
at the siege of Pistoja. 

The governors of Pistoja, who knew the true 
state of the supplies, always kept it concealed, and 
issued supplies to the strangers who were under 
arms in the service of the city, and to the other 
men who were of use [as combatants] judiciously, 
according as they had need : for they saw them- 
selves within reach of death by hunger. Those 
who knew the scarcity of supplies were hard put 
to it ; and their plan was to hold on till the last, 
and then tell the people the state of the case, 
whereupon all should arm, and throw themselves 
in desperation on the enemy, sword in hand, [for 
then], " either we shall die, having nothing to gain 
or lose (n), or perchance their hearts will fail 
them, and they will hide themselves and take refuge 
in flight or other cowardly measures. " And so 
they determined to do when they should see them- 
selves coming to an end of the supplies ; but for all 
that they did not abandon the hope of escape. 

This and the next chapter should be compared with 
Villani, viii. 82. 

1. I.e. eldest surviving son. 

2. See I. 7, n. 6. 

3. A ditch cut by the invaders all round the city. 

4. I.e. Podesta and Captain of the People. Agnolo 
belonged to the Ghibelline family of the Pazzi of Valdarno. 

5. I.e. the Blacks who had been banished from Pistoja, 
and now formed part of the besieging forces. 

6. The Duke left the siege in October, but his Marshal, 
Diego de la Rat, a Catalan, remained in command of his 
troops, and in command-in-chief of the besieging forces 


The Lucchese were under the command of the Marquis 
Moro ello Malaspina. 

7. I.e. the Magistrates (above, n. 4). 

8. The ground is said to be " bad " because the numerous 
streams (see I. 26) would cause floods in rainy weather. 
The next clause refers in particular to the Florentines, as 
does the next paragraph. 

9. I.e. the city militia. 

10. I.e. so many from each Sesto. 

11. Lit. " we shall die for nothing." 


The Pistojans procure the appointment of Cardinal 
Napoleone Orsini as Papal Legate in Tuscany, 
with a view to saving- them from falling into the 
hands of their enemies. Hearing of this the 
Florentine government fcpens negotiations for 
the surrender of Pistoja on favourable terms. 
The city is surrendered (April 10, 1306), but 
the terms are violated by the Florentines. 

The Pistojans signified their misery to the Cardinal 
of Prato and to other secret friends of theirs 
without who were stirring on their behalf. And 
they succeeded so far that at Court M. Napoleone 
Orsini, a Cardinal (1), was appointed Legate in 
Tuscany and in the Patriarchate of Aquileja. 
And this was done to succour Pistoja, as being a 
city of the Church (2). This Cardinal set out at 
once, and arrived in Lombardy in a few days. 

The glorious God, who smites and chastises 
sinners yet does not confound them altogether, 
was moved to pity, and sent this thought into the 
heart of the Florentines : " This lord is coming, 
and when he has arrived he will say, ' This city 


belongs to the Church ' ; and he will wish to enter 
it, and we shall come to strife with the Church " (3). 
They considered, therefore, how to take measures 
[against this]. 

Since things are more feared at a distance than 
near at hand, and men fancy many things — just as 
when a stronghold or fortress is being built there 
are many who from divers considerations fear it, and 
after it has been bui!t and completed, their minds are 
reassured and they do not fear it at all — thus the 
Florentines feared the 1 Cardinal at a distance; but 
when he was near they heeded him little, although 
they might reasonably have feared [him] both on 
account of the greatness of the Church, of his own 
dignity, of his powerful position in Rome, and of 
the great friendship tie despots and the Common- 
wealths bore towards him. And so much did they 
fear his coming that' they determined to try to 
come to terms in this manner : They had a wise 
and good monk of Santo Spirito (4) whom they 
sent to Pistoja, to M. . . . de' Vergellesi (5), one of 
the chief citizens, [and] a great friend of his. And 
in talking with him, the monk made him many 
particular and general promises on behalf of the 
Signory of Florence, offering to him that the city 
should remain free and untouched in its beauty (6), 
and [that] the citizens should be unmolested in 
their persons and should retain their fortresses (7). 

When the knight understood this, he made it 
known to the Elders (8), who, hearing the monk 
and learning what authority he bore (9), concluded 
the agreement ; rot without the will of God, 
who disposes things, great and small, and whose 
will it was not wholly to destroy that city. O 


The Lucchese were under the command of the Marquis 
Moro ello Malaspina. 

7. I.e. the Magistrates (above, n. 4). 

8. The ground is said to be " bad " because the numerous 
streams (see I. 26) would cause floods in rainy weather. 
The next clause refers in particular to the Florentines, as 
does the next paragraph. 

9. I.e. the city militia. 

10. I.e. so many from each Sesto. 

11. Lit. " we shall die for nothing." 


The Pistojans procure the appointment of Cardinal 
Napoleone Orsini as Papal Legate in Tuscany, 
with a view to saving* them from falling- into the 
hands of their enemies. Hearing of this the 
Florentine government opens negotiations for 
the surrender of Pistoja on favourable terms. 
The city is surrendered (April 10, 1306), but 
the terms are violated by the Florentines. 

The Pistojans signified their misery to the Cardinal 
of Prato and to other secret friends of theirs 
without who were stirring on their behalf. And 
they succeeded so far that at Court M. Napoleone 
Orsini, a Cardinal (1), was appointed Legate in 
Tuscany and in the Patriarchate of Aquileja. 
And this was done to succour Pistoja, as being a 
city of the Church (2). This Cardinal set out at 
once, and arrived in Lombardy in a few days. 

The glorious God, who smites and chastises 
sinners yet does not confound them altogether, 
was moved to pity, and sent this thought into the 
heart of the Florentines : " This lord is coming, 
and when he has arrived he will say, ' This city 


belongs to the Church ' ; and he will wish to enter 
it, and we shall come to strife with the Church " (3). 
They considered, therefore, how to take measures 
[against this]. 

Since things are more feared at a distance than 
near at hand, and men fancy many things — just as 
when a stronghold or fortress is being built there 
are many who from divers considerations fear it, and 
after it has been built and com ilete:!, their minds are 
reassured and they do not fear it at all — thus the 
Florentines feared the Cardinal at a distance ; but 
when he was near they heeded him little, although 
they might reasonably have feared [him] both on 
account of the greatness of the Church, of his own 
dignity, of his powerful position in Rome, and of 
the great friendship the despots and the Common- 
wealths bore towards him. And so much did they 
fear his coming that they determined to try to 
come to terms in this manner : They had a wise 
and good monk of Santo Spirito (4) whom they 
sent to Pistoja, to M. . . . de' Vergellesi (5), one of 
the chief citizens, [and] a great friend of his. And 
in talking with him, the monk made him many 
particular and general promises on behalf of the 
Signory of Florence, offering to him that the city 
should remain free and untouched in its beauty (6), 
and [that] the citizens should be unmolested in 
their persons and should retain their fortresses (7). 

When the knight understood this, he nude it 
known to the Elders (8), who, hearing the monk 
and learning what authority he bore (9), concluded 
the agreement ; not without the will of God, 
who disposes things, great and small, and whose 
will it was not wholly to destroy that city. O 


merciful Clemency, how didst Thou lead them 
into utmost extremity ! For they had only provi- 
sions left to live on for one day, and then they must 
needs have revealed to the citizens the death by 
hunger [awaiting them]. For this [agreement] be 
Thou, most holy Majesty, for ever praised ! For 
the bread which well-to-do (10) citizens were 
eating, pigs would have disdained ! 

The agreement having been made before the 
Cardinal's arrival, the gate was opened on the 10th 
of April 1306. And there was a certain citizen 
who, on account of the hunger he had suffered, ate 
so much that he burst. 

The Blacks of Florence seized the city, and did 
not observe their agreement, for so greatly did the 
fear of being obliged to give it up to the Whites 
press upon them, that immediately, without any 
interval, they threw down the walls, which were 
very fine. 

The Cardinal Legate, on hearing the news from 
Pistoja, was exceedingly vexed, because he believed 
that he was in a position to have applied a remedy 
[to the trouble]. He went to Bologna, and took 
up his abode there. 

1. He belonged to one of the most powerful families in 
Rome, was a nephew of Pope Nicholas III., and had been 
made Cardinal by Nicholas IV. in 1288. He died at 
Avignon in 1347 [cf. II. 35, n. 5). 

2. See III. 13. 

3. The difficulty was that though they were Guelfs, i.e. 
of the party of the Church, the Church was intervening for 
the protection of a city which was in the hands of the Whites 
to whom the Blacks denied the name of Guelfs, and whom 
they regarded as Ghibellines. 

4. An Augustinian monastery. 


5. M. Lippo (=Filippo) Vergellesi, the father of Selvaggia, 
to whom Cino of Pistoja paid poetic homage. 

6. I.e. the walls and buildings were not to be demolished. 

7. I.e. the fortresses in the Contado. 

8. See I. 25, n. 2. 

9. I.e. the authority to treat on behalf of the Signory of 
Florence (see I. 26). 

10. Lit. "good" (buoni). Cf. I. 8, n. 5. 


This chapter forms a digression, and is intended to 
point out how Azzo VIII., Marquis of Ferrara, 
the ally of the Black Guelfs (see II. 32) was 
weakened by the rebellion of Modena and 
Reggio against his tyranny, which rebellion 
was brought about by Giberto (or Ghiberto) of 
Correggio, the Lord of Parma (January 1306). 

Parma, Reggio, and Modena had rebelled against 
the Marquis of Ferrara, whom, because of the 
excessive tyranny he practised against them, God 
would no longer suffer : for when he was most 
exalted, he fell. For he had taken to wife the 
daughter of King Charles of Apulia, and in order 
that he might condescend to give her to him, he 
bought her, beyond the common custom (t), and 
made over to her Modena and Reggio as dowry : 
for which cause his brothers and the noble citizens 
scorned to become the vassals of another ; and 
to this there was added the hostility of a 
powerful knight of Parma, called M. Ghiberto, 
whom the Marquis was seeking to drive away 
(2) by treachery. But the knight gave great 
encouragement to the citizens of those two cities to 


rebel, and by means of troops and arms he freed 
them from servitude. 

1. I.e. the mercenary character of the transaction was 
more notorious than usual (see P-urg. xx. 79, 80). 

2. I.e. from Parma. 


The Cardinal Legate Napoleone Orsini is driven 
out of Bologna, 1306. In 1307 he gathers the 
forces of the White and Ghibelline exiles and 
their allies at Arezzo. After a futile campaign 
against Florence the exiles disperse. 

Whilst the Legate was in Bologna, the Bolognese 
revolted and drove out their enemies (1). He 
thought to make peace between them. [But] the 
Florentines wrought so effectually by money and 
encouragement that they (the Bolognese) laid the 
blame of a plot and of treason on the Legate (2), 
and drove him ignominiously and shamefully from 
Bologna ; and one of his chaplains was slain. He 
went to Romagna, intending to enter For 11, [but] 
the Florentines prevented him from doing so. He 
went to Arezzo (3), and sought by letters and 
embassies to appease them, but he could not. 

While the Cardinal was at Arezzo he collected 
many troops and strengthened himself there, 
because he heard that the Blacks of Florence 
would come thither in force. There came to 
his aid the Marquis of the March (4) with many 
noblemen from thence, many White Guelfs and 
Ghibellines of Florence, many horsemen from 


Rome and Pisa, and many ecclesiastics of Lom- 
bardy (5), and it was computed that in all there 
were 2400 picked horsemen. 

The Blacks of Florence went against them, but 
in great mistrust ; they did not, however, come 
near Arezzo. They took the road towards Siena, 
then they turned aside across a mountain and 
entered the territory of Arezzo (6), where they 
destroyed many strongholds of the Ubertini. They 
did not descend to the plain, as the passes might 
have been contested against them ; and no battle 
was fought, because the Blacks were exceedingly 
afraid of risking an engagement. Their enemies 
urged the Cardinal to join battle, pointing out that 
the advantage was greatly on his side and victory 
certain. The Cardinal would never consent to this, 
nor would he allow his troops to go to seize the 
passes or cut off the Blacks' supplies on the re- 
treat (7) ; and so the Blacks returned to Florence 
without any danger or injury. 

The Cardinal was greatly blamed for having 
allowed them to get away safely, and it was said 
by many that he had done it for money or because 
of a promise made to him by them that they would 
obey and honour him ; or else that M. Corso 
Donati had promised him 4000 florins on the 
understanding that he (the Cardinal) should hand 
over the chy to him (M. Corso) ; while it was also 
said that the Cardinal had come that way with his 
troops in order to be able to draw off the Blacks 
from their movement [against Arezzo] and [so J to 
get M. Corso's money without handing the city 
over to him (8). Those who had come to the 
Cardinal's aid (9) departed disconsolate, for they 


saw that there was nothing more to be done ; and 
they had spent much without any profit, in the belief 
that they should reconquer their city. And they 
never came together any more. 

1. The "revolt" of Bologna, i.e. the adherence of its 
government to the cause of the Black Guelfs, and the conse- 
quent expulsion of the White exiles of Florence (see II. 32, 
n. 2 ; III. 13, n. 6), had taken place in March 1306, before 
the arrival of the Cardinal. He was driven out of Bologna 
on May 22, 1306. 

2. I.e. they accused him of plotting to overthrow the 
Guelf government of Bologna. 

3. In the early part of the following year (1307). 

4. " Marquis of the March of Ancona" was' the title 
(originally belonging to the feudal lord of that region) borne 
by the governor appointed by the Pope. 

5. These were ecclesiastical dignitaries who were also 
feudal lords ; and it is to be understood that they brought 
their forces with them. Lombardy is used in a loose sense 
as equivalent to Northern Italy. 

6. I.e. they first marched along the Arno valley towards 
Arezzo, then turned to the right up the valley of the Ambra 
towards Siena, then to the left across the mountains of 
Palazzolo (the " mountain" of Dino's text) into the Aretine 
territory. The "plain" mentioned just afterwards is the 
valley of the Chiana at the head of which Arezzo is situated. 

7. An important link in the chain of events is here omitted 
by Dino, though he alludes to it below. The Cardinal, 
instead of attacking the Florentine army, as he was being 
urged to do, marched with his own troops up the Casentino 
(see I. 9, n. 2), and made as though he were going to cross 
the mountains and drop down on Florence. The effect of 
this was that the Florentine army, which was besieging the 
Aretine fortress of Gargosa or Gargonza, was obliged to 
1 eat a hasty retreat and return to protect Florence itself. 
G. Villani's account of the campaign (viii. 89) should be 
compared with Dino's, which, on account of its conciseness, 
is difficult to understand. 

8. Here again the conciseness of the narrative makes it 
obscure. Dino alludes to two reports which professed to 
account for the Cardinal's allowing the Florentine army 
to return uninjured to Florence : (a) it was said that the 
Cardinal had allowed the army to return either in con- 


sideration of a bribe or of a promise that the government 
would submit to his mediation ; {3) it was said that the 
Cardinal had made an agreement with Corso Donati to 
this effect : Corso was to pay down 4000 florins, and the 
Cardinal, on entering the city, was to hand over the govern- 
ment to Corso, and to crush the rival party of Rosso della 
Tosa and the popolani. But the Cardinal, it was said, had 
first taken Corso's money, and then, by his march into the 
Casentino, brought back the Florentine army to the city, 
thus making it impossible for him to fulfil his part of the 
bargain with Corso. The words " had come that way with 
his troops " refer to the Cardinal's march up the Casentino 
(see preceding note). 

9. The White and Ghibelline exiles from Florence are 
specially referred to. 


Cardinal Napoleone Orsini, after protracted and 
futile negotiations with the Florentine govern- 
ment, is deprived of his office of Legate. The 
Florentine envoys to the Cardinal stir up 
strife at Arezzo (1307-1308). 

The Blacks scoffed at the Cardinal and sought to 
dishonour him in many ways [while] making a 
show of wishing to obey him. And after their 
return (1) to Florence they sent to the place 
where he was M. Betto Brunelleschi and M. Geri 
Spini, as ambassadors, who made him turn and 
twist as they pleased, and drew favours from him, 
[so that] they seemed to be the rulers of his court. 
They also (2) caused him to send a certain friar 
Ubertino to the Signory ; but so many expedients 
and pretexts were invented and put forward from 
moment to moment that [those who were negotiating 
on the Cardinal's behalf] waited for [the appoint- 


ment of] the next Signory which they hoped 
would be more favourably disposed towards them. 

Some said that the Legate held the Blacks to 
be upright men ; and that he confidently told his 
friends there would be peace. Never was a woman 
enticed by panders and then dishonoured as he was 
by those two knights ; and of the younger (3) it 
was said that he pursued the work with the most 
cunning, putting the Cardinal off with words, [and] 
prolonging the negotiations for peace, over which 
they spent a long time because of the ambiguous 
language he used. At length, on account of the 
discredit brought on the Cardinal at Court (4), he 
was removed from the Legation, and went with 
little honour to Rome. 

Wise men perceived that the ambassadors were 
staying at Arezzo in order to cause dissension among 
the Aretines. And Uguccione of Faggiuola, to- 
gether with the Magalotti and many Magnates (5), 
sowed such discord in Arezzo that the Ghibellines 
in power were living in the position of enemies (6). 
But yet afterwards they became quiet. 

1. I.e. after the return of the army from the expedition 
against Arezzo (see preceding chapter). 

2. Anco. This is the reading adopted in Del Lungo's 
larger edition. In the smaller edition he reads tanto, which 
could only be rendered by a long paraphrase. 

3. I.e. Betto Brunelleschi (see III. 39). 

4. I.e. by the agents of the Blacks. The "Court," it 
will be remembered, was now in France. It was definitely 
fixed at Avignon in 1309 (see III. 23, n. 5). 

5. I.e. Florentine Magnates of the Black faction. The 
Magalotti are enumerated among them in II. 26. Uguc- 
cione, who had been driven from Arezzo in 1303 {cf. II. 28), 
had returned in this year, 1308. 

6. These were the Ghibellines of the "Dry" faction, 
then controlling the government, and they were presumably 


contemplating violent measures against their rivals, the 
"Green" faction, to which Uguccione had attached himself, 
and which was in league with the Blacks of Florence. 


Corso Donati rallies the Magnates round him, and 
prepares for an attempt to wrest the govern- 
ment out of the hands of the Popolani by 
force (1308). 

Like as the worm is bred in a sound apple, so ail 
created things which are to come to an end must 
have within them a cause which brings them to their 
end (1). Once more through avarice and envy (2) 
great dissension arose among the Black Guelfs of 
Florence. This was because M. Corso Donati, 
deeming that he had done more work [than the 
rest] in the reconquest of the city (3), thought that 
he was receiving but a small share, or almost none, 
of its honours and emoluments, because M. Rosso 
della Tosa, M. Pazzino de' Pazzi, M. Betto 
Brunelleschi, and M. Geri Spini with their fol- 
lowers among the popolani seized the honours, served 
their friends, gave authoritative opinions, conferred 
favours ; and made him of no account. Thus 
they caused great wrath in the minds [of M. Corso 
and his faction], which grew until it became open 

M. Pazzino de' Pazzi caused M. Corso Donati 
to be arrested one day on account of money he 
owed him. Many insulting words were spoken 
on both sides, on account of [M. Rosso and his 
followers] wanting to govern without him ; because 


M. Corso was so ambitious and so active that they 
were afraid of him and did not believe it possible 
to give him a share which should content him. 
Wherefore M. Corso gathered round him adherents 
of many sorts. He had with him a great part of 
the Magnates, because they hated the popolani for 
the rigorous Ordinances of Justice made against 
them, which he promised to annul (4). He 
gathered to his side many of those who hoped 
through him to become so great that they would 
remain in control of the government, and many 
[he gained] with fair words which he coloured 
with great skill. And he was wont to say through- 
out the city : " Those fellows are appropriating 
all the honours, while the rest of us who are nobly 
born and powerful are in the position of aliens : 
those fellows have the Catalan troops who follow 
them (5), they have the false popolani [on their 
side], and they divide among themselves the trea- 
sure of which we, as being greater, should be 
masters." And he likewise turned aside many of 
his adversaries and brought them over to his own 
mind. Among these were the Medici and Bor- 
doni (6), who used to be hostile to him, and sup- 
porters of M. Rosso della Tosa. 

When he had banded together his conspirators 
once more (7) they began to speak more haughtily 
in the Piazze and in the Councils, and if any one 
opposed them they assumed a hostile mien towards 
him. And so greatly was the fire kindled, that, 
by agreement with the [other] conspirators, the 
Medici and the Bordoni and others appointed to 
do it, assaulted Scambrilla on purpose to kill him, 
and they gave him several wounds in the face. 


Their adversaries therefore held that this was done 
as an affront to them. They visited him often 
and talked a great deal [about the affair], and when 
he was cured they granted him foot-soldiers at the 
expense of the Commonwealth, and encouraged 
him to take a signal revenge. This Scambrilla 
was a man of powerful frame ; he was powerful 
also because of the friends whose follower he 
was (8). He was not a man of high station, for 
he had been a mercenary (9). 

The hatred [still] increasing through the proud 
words which passed between those of the con- 
spiracy and the others, friends and forces began to 
be summoned from all directions. The Bordoni 
had great support from Carmignano, Pistoja, the 
Monte dl Sotto (10) and from Tajo di M. Ridolfo, 
a great man at Prato, and the men of his house and 
those who were of his mind ; so that he lent aid to 
the conspirators. 

M. Corso had vehemently stirred up the Luc- 
chese (11) by disclosing the wicked deeds of his 
adversaries and the methods they employed, which, 
whether real or fictitious, he well knew how to 
colour. After his return to Florence (12) he 
arranged that on a day named all the conspirators 
should go in arms to the Palace of the Signory, 
and say that they absolutely insisted that Florence 
should have a different government (13) : and with 
these words they should come to blows. 

1. Convie?te che cagione sia in esse che al lor fine termini. 
The " sound apple" in this case was the supremacy of the 
Black Guelfs in Florence, which, as Dino believed, would 
be brought to an end by the " worm " of discord. 

2. Cf. Villani, viii. 96 ; Inf. vi. 74. 

3. I.e. in the overthrow of the Whites, 


4. In December 1306 an additional officer, who was to be 
a foreigner, had been appointed to ensure that provisions 
of the Ordinances of Justice should be more effectually 
carried out. His title was Executor of the Ordinances of 

5. Scherigli, the name given to the Catalan troops com- 
manded by Diego de la Rat (King Charles's marshal) which 
had been retained in the pay of the Commonwealth of 
Florence after the capture of Pistoja (see III. 14, n. 6). 

6. See III. 2, n. 9. 

7. See III. 2, 3. 

8. I.e. Rosso della Tosa and the leaders among that 

9. I.e. in the service of some other state. 

10. Carmignano is in the valley of the Ombrone between 
Florence and Pistoja. The Monte di Sotto (literally, the 
mountain below) is the name of a chain of hills on the 
southern side of that valley. 

11. A body of foot-soldiers from the Contado of Lucca, 
at that time in the service of the Florentine government. 

12. From Treviso, where he had served as Podesta for 
the first six months of this year, 1308. 

13. I.e. not a new constitution, but that the control of the 
existing government should pass out of the hands of the 


The government of Florence anticipate Corso 
Donati's rebellion, attack him with their forces 
while he is unprepared, and put him and his 
men to flight (October 6, 1308). 

M. Rosso and his followers heard of the calls to 
arms, the words that were being spoken, and the 
warlike preparations (1); with their minds full of 
wrath they inflamed themselves so much by talking 
that they could not be kept from an outbreak ; and 
one Sunday morning they went to the Priors, who 
assembled the Council (2), called out their forces 


(3), and caused M. Corso and his sons and the 
Bordoni to be cited. The citation and the procla- 
mation of the charge against them (4) were made 
at once, and they were condemned forthwith : and 
on the same day the forces of the Commonwealth 
went to the houses of M. Corso. He strengthened 
himself at the Piazza di S. Piero Maggiore (5), by 
putting up barricades and gathering many foot- 
soldiers. The Bordoni also vigorously hastened 
thither with a numerous following, and with pennons 
on which their arms were displayed. 

M. Corso was grievously disabled by the gout, 
and could not bear arms. But with his tongue he 
encouraged his friends, praising and cheering those 
who bore themselves valiantly. His troops were 
few, for it was not [yet] the day fixed (6). 

The assailants were many, because all the Gon- 
falons of the people were there, with the hired 
soldiers and Catalans at the barricades ; and with 
cross-bows, stones and fire. M. Corso's few foot- 
soldiers defended themselves vigorously with lances, 
cross-bows and stones, waiting for those in the 
conspiracy to come to their assistance. These were 
the Bardi, the Rossi, the Frescobaldi, and nearly 
all the Sesto of Oltrarno ; the Tornaquinci and the 
Buondelmonti, save M. Gherardo. But none of 
them moved or made any demonstration. M. 
Corso, seeing he could not defend himself, deter- 
mined to depart. The barricades were broken 
down ; his friends fled through the houses, and 
many who were on his side pretended to belong to 
the others. 

M. Rosso, M. Pazzino, M. Geri, Pinaccio, and 
many others fought vigorously on foot and on 


horseback. Piero and M. Guglielmino Spini (a 
young new-made knight, armed after the Catalan 
fashion), Boccaccio Adimari also and his sons, and 
some of his kinsmen followed hard after the fugi- 
tives, and caught up Gherardo Bordoni at La Croce 
a Gorgo (7). They attacked him ; he fell on his 
face ; they dismounted and slew him, and Boc- 
caccio's son cut off his hand and carried it home. 
Some blamed him for this ; but he said he did it 
because Gherardo had wrought against him and his 
at the request of M. Tedice Adimari, their kins- 
man, and the brother-in-law of the said Gherardo 
(8). Gherardo's brothers escaped, and his father 
took refuge in the houses of the Tornaquinci, for he 
was old. 

Villani, viii. 96 should be compared with this chapter. 

1. I.e. the preparations made by Corso Donati mentioned 
in the preceding chapter. 

2. I.e. the General Council of the Podesta. 

3. I.e. the Companies forming the Civic militia (see II. 
22, n. 4). 

4. The charge was that of treason against the " people," 
i.e. the popolano government, and confederacy with Uguc- 
cione of Faggiuola and the Ghibellines (Villani, viii. 96). 
Uguccione, Corso's son-in-law, was in fact now on his 
way to Florence. 

5. See II. 18, n. 6, 8. 

6. See preceding chapter, near the end. 

7. I.e. the Cross by the Eddy. The place was on the 
right bank of the Arno, east of the city {cf. III. 41). 

8. There was a family feud among the Adimari. Boc- 
caccio belonged to the Cavicciuli branch, who were Blacks ; 
most of the other members of the family, including Tedice, 
were Whites [cf. Villani, viii. 39, 96). 



The death of M. Corso Donati (October 6, 1308). 

M. Corso, infirm through gout, was fleeing to- 
wards the abbey of S. Salvi (1), where in time 
past he had done, and caused to be done, many evil 
things. The Catalans took him prisoner, and re- 
cognised him ; but when they were going to take 
him away with them he defended himself with fair 
words, like a prudent knight. Meanwhile a young 
brother-in-law of the Marshal (2) came up. Urged 
by others to slay him, he would not do it ; but 
when he returned [to the city] he was sent back (3), 
and the second time he pierced M. Corso's throat with 
a Catalan lance and gave him another wound in the 
side ; and M. Corso fell to the ground. Some 
monks carried him away to the abbey, and there he 
died on . . . (4) and was buried. 

The people began to be calm, and his grievous 
death was much talked of in various ways, accord- 
ing to the friendship or enmity [felt for him] ; but 
to tell the truth, his life was dangerous and his 
death reprehensible (5). He was a knight of great 
ambition and renown, an aristocrat by birth and 
behaviour, of very great personal beauty even till his 
old age ; he had a line figure and delicate features, 
and a fair complexion. He was a pleasing, clever, 
and accomplished speaker ; always busying himself in 
great matters ; familiar and intimate with great lords 
and with noblemen, possessing powerful friends ; 
and famous throughout all Italy. He was the 
enemy of democracies (6) and of the popolani ; was 


beloved by his retainers ; was full of wicked designs, 
unprincipled and astute. 

He was slain in such vile fashion by a foreign 
mercenary, and his kinsmen knew well who slew 
him ; therefore the man was immediately sent away 
by his friends. Those who caused M. Corso to 
be slain were, it was commonly said, M. Rosso 
della Tosa and M. Pazzino de' Pazzi ; and some 
blessed them, and others did the contrary. Many 
believed that the said two kniohts slew him ; but 
I, wishing to search out the truth, have sought 
diligently and found the truth to be as I have 
stated (7). 

1. The abbey of S. Salvi, a short distance from Florence 
on the eastern side, belonged to the monks of the Order of 

2. See III. 19, n. 5. 

3. According to what we read at the end of the chapter, 
by Rosso della Tosa and Pazzino de' Pazzi, to whom must 
be added Betto Brunelleschi (III. 39). The various accounts 
of Corso Donati's death differ in detail, as is only natural 
(cf. Villani, viii. 96 ; Purg. xxiv. 82-88). 

4. The MSS. have a wrong date. See head-note. 

5. I.e. though his life was a menace to the public tran- 
quillity, those who brought about his death were to blame 
for their action. 

6. Popoli, i.e. of the government of States by the wealthy 
traders {cf. I. 4, n. 2). 

7. Viz. that Rosso and Pazzino caused Corso Donati to be 
killed though they did not kill him themselves. 



A summary reference to the interdicts and excom- 
munications issued by the Holy See against 
the Florentines since 1302. Death of Lottieri 
della Tosa, Bishop of Florence (April 1309). 
Intrigues of the Blacks in connection with the 
appointment of his successor. 

The holy Church of Rome, who is the mother of 
Christians when wicked pastors do not cause her to 
err, having sunk into abjectness through the dimin- 
ished reverence of the faithful, had cited the Floren- 
tines ; and after having commenced proceedings of 
excommunication, had given sentence against them, 
and had excommunicated the officials (1) and laid 
the city under interdict, and deprived the laity of 
the ministrations of religion (2). The Florentines 
sent ambassadors to the Pope (3). Bishop Lottieri 
della Tosa died. Another, a man of low birth (4), 
was appointed through simony ; he was an eager 
supporter of the Guelf party and in high favour 
among the people, but not a man of holy life. The 
Pope was much blamed for this and very wrongly, 
because, according to the philosopher (5), evil pas- 
tors are sometimes allowed by God for the sins 
of the people. Great interest was made with the 
Court by means of promises and money ; one had 
the votes (6), another (7) the money, but Antonio 
d'Orso got the bishopric. The canons had elected 
one of their number as bishop ; M. Rosso and the 
other Blacks favoured him because he was of their 
mind, and they thought they should lead him as 


they pleased. He went to Court and spent much 
money, and did not get the bishopric. 

1. I.e. the Podesta, the Captain, and their officials. They 
are mentioned specially because they were foreigners : the 
members of the Signory and other officers would be included 
in the general excommunication of the citizens of Florence. 

2. Dino here refers comprehensively to interdicts laid on 
the city (a) by the Cardinal of Acquasparta in 1302 after his 
futile attempt at a pacification (see II. 23, n. 2) ; (b) by the 
Cardinal of Prato in 1304 (see III. 7) ; (c) by Cardinal 
Napoleone Orsini in 1307 (see III. 18) ; (d) by other nuncios 
of the Holy See. 

3. I.e. on several occasions since 1306, in order to obtain 
absolution from the Holy See. The bull of absolution was 
granted by Clement V. in September 1309. 

4. The bishops of Florence had usually been Magnates. 
The person now appointed was Antonio d'Orso, Bishop of 

5. Not Aristotle, but Job. ' ' Who maketh a hypocrite to 
reign, because of the sins of the people" [Job xxxiv. 30, 

6. I.e. the votes of the Cathedral Chapter (see below), 
who had the right of election subject to the Pope's power 
of setting it aside and making an appointment himself. 

7. I.e. the Papal Court. 


The oppression of the Church by King Philip IV. of 
France causes the Pope and Cardinals to pro- 
cure the election of Henry of Luxemburg- as 
Emperor (27th November 1308). 

The Empire being vacant by the death of Frederick 
II. (1), and the adherents of the Imperial party 
being kept under heavy burdens (2), and, in Tuscany 
and Sicily, almost brought to naught, governments 
having been changed, and the fame and memory of 
the Empire being well-nigh extinct, the Emperor 


of Heaven (3) made provision [for this extremity] 
and put into the mind of the Pope and of his Car- 
dinals to perceive how that the arms of Holy Church 
were so enfeebled that her faithful people scarce 
obeyed her (4). The King of France, puffed up 
with pride because he had been the author of the 
death of Pope Boniface, and believing that his power 
would be dreaded by all, caused Cardinals to be 
chosen as he pleased, through fear [of his dis- 
pleasure] ; demanded that the bones of Pope Boni- 
face should be burned and Boniface himself sen- 
tenced as a heretic ; detained the Pope almost by 
force (5); harassed and persecuted the Jews in order 
to take away their money ; accused the Templars of 
heresy, threatening them [with suppression] ; and 
laid low the honours of Holy Church, so that by 
reason of many innovations present to men's minds 
(6) the Church was not obeyed : and having no 
arm nor defender, the Pope and Cardinals thought 
to raise up an Emperor, a man who should be just, 
wise and powerful, a son of Holy Church, a lover 
of the Faith. And they applied themselves to seek 
one who might be worthy of so great an honour ; 
and they found one who had long dwelt at Court 
(7), a wise man, of noble blood, just and famous, 
of great probity, brave in arms and of noble race, a 
man of great ability and of well-tempered character, 
namely, Henry, Count of Luxemburg, in the Valley 
of the Rhine, in Germany. He was forty years 
of age, of middle height, a fine speaker, of good 
figure, slightly squint-eyed. This Count had been 
at Court to procure a great archbishopric in Ger- 
many for one of his brothers, and, having obtained 
the said benefice, took his departure. This arch- 


bishopric carried one of the seven votes of the 
Empire (8). By the will of God the other votes 
were in agreement [with that one], and Henry was 
elected Emperor ; but, owing to the long vacancy of 
the Empire, he deemed it well nigh a matter of no 
account that he could be king (9). 

1. I.e. technically vacant, for Frederick II., who had died 
in 1250, was the last Emperor who had been crowned at 
Rome (see I. 13, n. 2, and Conv. iv. 3 : 40). But the de 

facto vacancy was caused by the death of Albert of Austria, 
who had been murdered by his nephew on May 1, 1308. 
The struggle between the Blacks and the Whites was now 
over, and the only hope remaining to the defeated Whites 
was that they might be reinstated in Florence by the power 
of the new Emperor. Dino was confident that this would 
be achieved, and therefore he now turns his attention away 
from Florence ; and from this point till the end of Chap. 
XXXVI. occupies himself with the doings of the new Em- 
peror, Henry VII. , down to his coronation at Rome, which 
was to be the prelude to his chastisement of the Black 
Guelfs, the rulers of Florence. 

2. Sotto gravi pesi. The same words that Dante uses 
[Inf. vi. 71) in reference to the oppression of the Whites by 
the Blacks. 

3. A similar expression is used by Dante in Inf. i. 124 ; 
Par. xxv. 41 ; and the same expression in Conv. iii. 12 : 116. 

4. I.e. her true people, the White Guelfs, had well nigh 
become Ghibellines (cf. II. 30, 31), for they thought that 
the Empire should be the arm of the Church, and not the 
French power, with which the Black Guelfs seemed so much 
bound up. 

5. I.e. during the first years of the Pope's reign, until the 
definite establishment of the Papal Court at Avignon (see 
III. 18, n. 4), which was outside the dominions of the French 
king and belonged to the Count of Provence, namely, 
Charles II., King of Naples, who died on May 3, 1309, 
shortly after the Pope had fixed his residence at Avignon, 
and was succeeded by his son, Robert, Duke of Calabria 
(III. 14, at the beginning). 

6. Per molte cose rinnovate nelle menti degli uomini. 
The phrase is difficult. Del Lungo explains it thus : " He 
means to say, that this condition of affairs .... had 
changed many ideas and feelings in men's minds, and 


weakened the ancient and traditional reverence for the 

7. He had been present at Clement's coronation (III. 12, 
n. 2), and also at the consecration of his own brother to the 
Archbishopric of Trier (see below in this chapter), which 
was performed by the Pope at Poitiers on March 11, 1308. 

8. I.e. the Archbishop of Trier was one of the seven 
electors. The election of Henry was brought about to a 
great extent through the exertions of another of the ecclesi- 
astical electors, the Archbishop of Mainz, who had been 
Clement's physician and had received this preferment as a 
reward for his services. The French king's candidate was 
Charles of Valois. 

9. Quasi si reputb niente a potere esser re, i.e. King of 
the Romans, the title of the Emperor-elect before his corona- 
tion as Emperor. The prestige of the Empire had sunk so 
low since the death of Frederick II. that Henry recked little 
of the possibility of his being elected. 


The Emperor comes into Italy, and after making" 
peace between Guelfs and Ghibellines in various 
cities approaches Milan (end of 1310). 

The Cardinal of Prato (1), who had strongly 
supported Henry's election, thinking [thereby] to 
aid his friends (2) and to chastise his enemies and 
adversaries, abandoned all other hopes as being of 
little value, and applied himself to the exaltation of 
this man, whose election took place on the 16th 
of July 1309, and his confirmation by sealed letters 
in the same year (3). He, having been elected 
and confirmed, crossed the mountains, for he had 
sworn and promised to come to be crowned in the 
following August (4). and, like a loyal lord, he 
intended to keep his oath. In his first council (5) 
he was opposed by the Florentines, because at 


their request the Archbishop of Mainz (6) advised 
him not to cross [the Alps], for that it was enough 
for him to be king of Germany ; representing to 
him the great risk and peril of passing into Italy. 

Almighty God, who is the guard and guide 
of princes, willed that his coming should be for 
the casting down and chastisement of the tyrants 
throughout Lombardy and Tuscany (7), until 
every tyranny should be extinguished. The 
Emperor firmly resolved to keep his promise, 
being a prince who set great store by his pledged 
faith ; and with a few knights he crossed the 
mountains through the territory of the Count of 
Savoy (8) unarmed, because the country was safe ; 
so that he arrived at Asti by the time he had sworn. 
And there he assembled troops, and took up arms 
and encouraged his knights ; and he came down, 
descending from city to city, making peace as 
though he had been an angel of God, and re- 
ceiving fealty, until he came close to Milan. But 
he was much hindered by King Robert, who was 
in Lombardy (9). 

1. See III. 1. 

2. I.e. the White Guelfs and the Ghibellines. 

3. Henry's election took place on 27th November 1308 
at Frankfort. The election was confirmed by a bull of 
Pope Clement V. , dated 26th July 1309. 

4. I.e. to come into Italy in August 1310 in order after- 
wards to receive from the Church the imperial crown. The 
time appointed for the coronation in the bull of confirmation 
was 2nd February 1312, but it was subsequently postponed 
[cf. III. 36). Henry set out for Italy in the autumn of 1310 ; 
he crossed Mont Cenis, and arrived at Susa on 23rd October. 

5. I.e. the first council which he held in Germany to 
consider the question of his passing into Italy. 

6. See III. 23, n. 8. 

7. By the "tyrants" are meant the chiefs of the Guelf 


8. Amadeus V. His wife (Mary) and Henry's wife 
(Margaret) were daughters of John, Duke of Brabant. 

9. See III. 23, n. 5. Robert had been crowned " King 
of Sicily and Apulia" (see I. 7, n. 6) by the Pope at 
Avignon in June 1309, and had passed through North 
Italy on his return from Provence just before Henry's 
arrival. Robert and his queen had reached Florence on 
10th September 1310. Henry's stay at Asti lasted from 
10th November till 12th December in the same year. 


The Emperor on his way through Lombardy 
arrives at Milan, the Guelf leaders having 
failed to induce him to go to Pavia instead 
(December 1310). 

The Emperor having arrived at a crossing of two 
ways, of which one led to Milan, the other to 
Pavia, a noble knight, called M. MafFeo Visconti 
(1) of Milan, raised his hand and said: "Sire, 
this hand can give thee Milan and take it away : 
come to Milan, where my friends are, seeing that 
none can take it from us ; if thou goest to Pavia, 
thou losest Milan" (2). M. MafFeo had been 
for several years outlawed from Milan ; and was 
Captain of nearly all Lombardy (3) ; he was clever 
and astute rather than faithful. The Captain and 
Lord of Milan at that time was M. Guidotto della 
Toire, a faithful prince, but not so clever. The 
Delia Torre were noblemen and of ancient lineage ; 
and as their arms they bore a tower in the half of 
the shield on the right side, and on the other side 
two griffins (4) crossed ; and they were enemies of 
the Visconti. 

The Emperor sent or>e of his Marshals to 


Milan, a member of the Delia Torre family (5), 
who spoke many friendly words with M. Guidotto, 
showing forth to him the Emperor's good will. 
But all the same M. Guidotto was suspicious of 
his coming, fearing to lose the lordship [of the 
city] ; yet he did not think it expedient to make 
war in his defence. He had all his mercenaries 
dressed in a white uniform with a bright red 
stripe (6) ; he caused many bridges at a distance 
from the city to be destroyed. The Emperor, 
undisturbed in mind, followed the counsel of M. 
MafFeo Visconti, and directed his way towards 
Milan, leaving Pavia on the right hand. 

Count Filippone, the lord of Pavia (7), declared 
with a great show of good will that he was waiting 
to pay him honour in Pavia. [But] the Emperor, 
keeping on his way towards Milan, crossed the 
Ticino by fording it, and rode through the 
[Milanese] territory without opposition. 

The Milanese came to meet him. M. Guidotto, 
seeing all the people going to meet him, set out 
also himself; and when he was come near him, 
he cast down his staff (8), dismounted, and kissed 
his foot ; and like a man bewitched he did just 
the contrary of what he intended. 

1. Maffeo, or Matteo Visconti, was the leader of the 
Ghibellines in Milan, and had been driven from that city 
by the rival Guelf family of Delia Torre in 1302. 

2. The Guelf leaders in Lombardy, who, as well as many 
Ghibellines, had visited Henry at Asti, were anxious to pre- 
vent him from going to Milan, fearing that he would deprive 
Guido (or, as our historian calls him, Guidotto) della Torre 
of the lordship of that city. 

3. I.e. head of nearly all the Ghibellines of Lombardy. 

4. Or rather, lilies. 

5. Several members of the Delia Torre family were in the 



Emperor's camp, and had been reconciled by him to 
Matteo Visconti. 

6. The Guelf colours. Guido della Torre had refused to 
disband the mercenaries in his pay, and to give up "the 
palace of the Commonwealth," where he resided, for the 
Emperor's use. 

7. He was Count of Langosco, and father-in-law to 
Guido della Torre. 

8. I.e. his staff of office. It was, however, the Podesta of 
Milan who went before Guido della Torre, that cast down 
the staff. 


The Emperor's coronation and court at Milan 
(Dec. 1310 to Jan. 1311). 

[The Emperor] was received in Milan by the people 
with great rejoicing, and reconciled M. Guidotto 
and M. Maflfeo, together with their followers, and 
he did many other noble actions, and [held] several 
" parliaments " (1). He also sent several letters 
to Germany, having had news that his son had 
been crowned King of Bohemia, and had recently 
taken a wife (2), of which he was very glad. 

By ancient custom the Emperor had to receive 
the first crown at Monza (3). For love of the 
Milanese, and in order not to turn back, he took 
the iron crown, he and his wife, at Milan, in the 
Church of S. Ambrose, on the morning of the 
Nativity, the 25th day of December 13 10. This 
crown was of thin iron, in the form of laurel leaves, 
burnished and bright as a sword, and [set] with 
many large pearls and other stones. 

He kept a great and splendid court at Milan, 
and the Empress gave many gifts to his knights on 
the morning of the 1st of January 13 10 (4). The 
Guelf or the Ghibelline party he would not hear 


mentioned. False report accused him wrongly : 
the Ghibellines said : " He will see none but 
Guelfs ; " the Guelfs said : " He receives none 
but Ghibellines ; " and so they feared one another. 
The Guelfs went to him no longer, but the Ghibel- 
lines often visited him, because they had greater 
need of him, [and] they deemed that for the burdens 
they had borne for the Empire, they ought to be in 
greater favour with him ; but the Emperor's will 
was most just, for each he loved, each he honoured 
as his own man (5). 

The Cremonese came hither to do fealty in 
" parliament " (6) with a sincere mind ; hither 
[came] the Genoese also and gave him gifts (7), 
and for love of them he ate at a great feast from 
a golden bowl. The Count Filippone was at 
court; M. Manfredi di Beccheria (8), M. Antonio 
of Foscieraco (9), lord of Lodi, and other lords 
and barons of Lombardy stood before him. His 
life consisted not in playing or in fowling, or amuse- 
ments, but in continual councils, appointing his Vicars 
in the cities (10), and making peace between those 
who were at strife. 

1. See below, n. 6. 

2. John, the Emperor's eldest son, married Elizabeth, 
daughter of Wenceslas IV. , who had been King of Bohemia 
from 1278 till 1305. 

3. By the " first crown " Dino means the first crown re- 
ceived in Italy. Strictly speaking, the " first crown" should 
refer to the coronation at Aachen with the silver crown. 
Henry had been crowned there on January 6, 1309. The 
"iron crown" was by custom bestowed at Milan (not at 
Monza, though ambassadors from there tried to persuade 
Henry to the contrary). This crown (which is still shown 
in the Cathedral of Monza) had been pawned by the Delia 
Torre family in 1273, and was not forthcoming for Henry's 
coronation. A new one was therefore made, which Dino 
describes in this chapter. 


4. 1311 N.S. No less than 170 knights were made on this 
occasion, to each of whom a charger and three garments were 
given. The latter, very probably, were bestowed by the 

5. I.e. as vassals of the Emperor, whose rule extends over 
the whole world [cf. Dante, Epist. v. 99^i ; vi. 1-25). 

6. The official record of this proceeding (Bonaini, Acta 
Henrici VII. i. 117) shows what Dino means by a "par- 
liament." On Jan. 4, 1311, the "discreet man" Ribaldo 
de Avenariis, attended at Milan in " a certain chamber where 
the aforesaid king {i.e. the Emperor, King of the Romans) 
abode" (see III. 29, n. 5), and on behalf of himself and the 
Commonwealth of Cremona swore fealty to the Emperor as 
immediate lord of the Commonwealth and its men, and 
kissed his feet in the presence of the Archbishop of Trier, 
the Emperor's brother Waleran, the Count of Savoy, and 
other persons. 

7. Observe that the Genoese did not swear fealty to the 
Emperor, having been expressly forbidden to do so by their 
government. The same remark applies to the Venetians, 
who also sent gifts to him. 

8. Manfredi di Beccheria was the head of the Ghibellines 
of Pavia, as Filippone, Count of Langosco (see preceding 
chapter, n. 7), was of the Guelfs. 

9. This name should be Fisiraga. The person in question 
is called M. Antonio of Fostierato in III. 4. He was the 
head of the Guelfs in Lodi. 

10. I.e. superseding the Guelf or Ghibelline Podesta by 
governors representing himself. 


Renewal of discord between the Delia Torre and 
Visconti families : and between members of the 
Delia Torre family. Riot in Milan, which is 
quelled by the Emperor's Marshal. Flight of 
the Delia Torre. Beginning of the supremacy 
of the Visconti (January to April 131 1). 

The Milanese had decreed that a gift of money 
should be made to the Emperor, and in reference to 
the collection of it there were recriminations in the 


council between those within the city and the re- 
turned exiles (1). M. Guido had two sons, who 
began to repent of all that their father had done (2), 
and they listened to the words of the complainers 
in their party. The Emperor conceived the idea 
of withdrawing some of the most powerful men of 
both parties and taking them with him (3) ; and 
of placing others under bounds. The sons of 
M. Mosca (4) (one of whom was Archbishop [of 
Milan]), who were cousins of M. Guidotto, had 
become enemies [of the latter] through rivalry [for 
power], for which reason he had kept them in 
prison ; but the Emperor had procured their release 
(5) and had effected a reconciliation. But M. 
Guidotto' s sons did not keep the peace ; and one 
day, having summoned their friends for the purpose, 
they began the feud again, and [the opponents] abused 
one another at a council in language which became 
so violent that [M. Guidotto's sons]] took up arms 
and barricaded themselves in the Guasto of the Delia 
Torre family (6). There was a great riot : the 
Emperor's Marshal (7) went to the place as well 
as M. Galeazzo, son of Maffeo Visconti ; and 
M. Maffeo went to the Emperor. The Marshal 
attacked the barricade with sixty horsemen, broke it 
down, and put the defenders to flight. M. Guidotto 
was ill with gout ; he was carried elsewhere : it 
was said that he had escaped into the Dauphin's 
territory (8). His sons fled to a fortress of theirs 
near Como, and twenty miles distant from Milan. 
All their stuff was plundered. And so the re- 
joicing underwent a change ; but not the Emperor's 
love, for he wished to pardon them, but they did 
not trust themselves to him. And then M. Maffeo 


Visconti began to rise, and the Delia Torre and 
their friends to sink. The suspicion increased more 
than the hatred (9). The Emperor committed the 
city to the care of M. MafFeo, and left there as his 
vicar M. Niccolo Salimbene (10) of Siena, a knight 
prudent and vigorous, adorned with courteous 
manners, stately, and open-handed. 

Villani's account (ix. 11) should be compared with this 
chapter. There is a good deal of obscurity as to the circum- 
stances which led to the expulsion of the family of Delia 
Torre from Milan. 

1. " Those within the city " are the Delia Torre, the "re- 
turned exiles," the Visconti, who had been reinstated by the 

2. I.e. his not having resisted the Emperor by force of 
arms (see III. 25). 

3. I.e. under colour of their forming part of the Emperor's 
retinue on his journey to Rome for his coronation. 

4. Mosca (=fly)is a nickname. The real name of this 
person was Corrado delia Torre. He was first cousin to 
Guido (Guidotto). 

5. The Archbishop (Cassone della Torre) had been re- 
leased by Guidotto before the Emperor's arrival. 

6. I.e. at the houses of the Della Torre family. These 
houses had been destroyed in days gone by, and the site 
had become known as the Guasto {i.e. devastated spot) : a 
name by which the place continued to be called after the 
houses had been rebuilt. 

7. Henry of Flanders. 

8. I.e. the dominions of the Count ofVienne, who bore the 
title of Dauphin (Dolphin), originally a surname of one of his 
predecessors. The territory was purchased by Philip VI. of 
France in 1349, who ceded it to Charles, eldest son of John, 
Duke of Normandy, his grandson, who took the title of 
Dauphin, which afterwards became the established designa- 
tion of the eldest son of the King of France. Guido della 
Torre reappears below (III. 31). 

9. " The hatred had been great before, and could not 
become much greater ; but it had been, as it were, put to 
sleep by the peace that had been made. But now the op- 
ponents resumed their former attitude of enmity (suspicion, 
or mistrust)." — Del Lungo. 

10. More properly, Bonsignore. 



Cremona, incited by the Florentines, rebels against 
the Emperor, and drives out his Vicar. The 
Emperor goes to Cremona, and the citizens 
again make their submission (131 1, . . . May). 

The Enemy, who never sleeps but is always sowing 
and reaping, sent discord into the hearts of the 
nobles of Cremona so that they were disobedient 
(1) ; and two brothers, sons of the Marquis Caval- 
cabo, who were lords of the city, and M. Sovra- 
monte degli Amati, an able knight (who had been, 
as it were, their adversary by reason of rivalry for 
power), came to an agreement in this matter (2) ; 
and they received letters from the Florentines and 
incitements to treason. [And so the Cremonese]] 
raised a clamour against the Emperor, and drove out 
his Vicar. The Emperor, when he heard this, being 
a high-souled man, did not lose his temper, but cited 
them to appear : they did not obey, and broke their 
faith and their oath to him. The Florentines at 
once sent an ambassador thither, so as not to let 
the fire go out, and he offered them the help of 
troops and money, which the Cremonese accepted ; 
and they strengthened the city. 

The Emperor rode towards Cremona. The 
ambassadors from thence fell at his feet, saying 
that they could not endure the burdens laid upon 
them, that they were poor, and that they would obey 
him, [but]] without a Vicar. As the Emperor did 
not reply, they were instructed by secret letters 
that if they wished for pardon, they should send 


many of their citizens of good standing to him to 
beg for mercy, because the Emperor desired respect. 
They sent many of them barefoot, with nothing on 
their heads, wearing only their shirts, with their 
leather girdles round their necks : and they came 
before him to beg for mercy. He did not speak 
to them ; but they continued begging for pardon, 
he still riding on towards the city. When he 
arrived he found the gate open, and went into it : 
and here he stood still, put his hand to his sword, 
drew it, and received them under it (3). The 
great and powerful men who were guilty, and the 
noble Florentine knight, M. Rinieri Buondelmonti, 
who was Podesta there, departed before the Em- 
peror came. This Podesta had been sent thither 
to support them against the Emperor. The Em- 
peror caused all the powerful citizens remaining 
there to be seized, and M. Sovramonte also, who, 
either from reasoning too well or from being over- 
confident (4), had not fled : and he caused all those 
who had gone to him to beg for money to be seized, 
and kept them in prison. He reformed the city 
(5) ; he relieved them from their sentence (6), and 
sent the prisoners to Riminingo (7). 

1. I.e. to the Emperor, to whom they had sworn fealty 
(III. 26, n. 6). 

2. Cremona was a Guelf city, the party being divided 
there into two factions, the Magnates under the Cavalcabo, 
the popolani under Sovramonte Amati. The two factions 
now coalesced in order to throw off the supremacy of the 

3. These were solemn ceremonial acts signifying the 
absolute right of the Emperor to punish the rebellious city 
as he might think fit (cf. next chapter, n. 5). 

4. Either he reasoned that, having been less guilty than 
the Cavalcab6, he would be less severely punished than 


they, or else he felt so confident in the Emperor's merciful 
disposition that he thought he should not be punished 
at all. 

5. I.e. he reinstated the Ghibelline exiles. 

6. I.e. restored the privileges forfeited by their rebellion. 

7. A fortress in the neighbourhood of Cremona. 


The city of Brescia rebels against the Emperor, 
who besieges it. After a long siege the city 
surrenders to him (1311, . . . October). 

The Brescians had carried out the Emperor's com- 
mands and received his Vicar ; M. Tibaldo Bruciati 
and M. MafFeo di Maggio were each the head of a 
party there ; and while he was sojourning at Cre- 
mona, M. MafFeo, who had held the city of Brescia 
before, in order to obey him resigned the govern- 
ment to his pleasure (1). M. Tibaldo (who had 
received benefits from the Emperor, for whereas 
formerly he had been wandering through Lombardy 
in wretchedness and poverty with his followers, he 
had now been reinstated by him) betrayed him. 
For when the Emperor sent from Cremona for the 
knights who were to come to obey him (2), [M. 
Tibaldo] sent all those of M. MafFeo's party who 
had obeyed (3). When [the Emperor ~\ became 
aware of this, he sent for certain by name (4), but 
they did not come. He had them summoned [to 
appear] within a given time, under a penalty, and 
still they did not come. The Emperor, perceiving 
their wickedness, came forth from his chamber ( 5 ) 
with a few [of his Court] at his side, and having 
had his sword girt on him, he set his face towards 


Brescia, placed his hand on his sword, half drew it 
from the sheath, and cursed the city of Brescia. 

And he appointed a new Vicar in Cremona (6). 

On the 1 2th of May 1311, the Emperor rode 
to Brescia with his troops and with a great part of 
the Lombards, and counts and lords (7). And he 
laid siege to it, because he had been thus advised ; 
for [he had been informed J it could not hold out, 
because the inhabitants were unprovided with sup- 
plies, and they were at the end of their corn, and 
" when the Brescians see the camp set up, they will 
surrender at once ; but if thou leavest the city alone, 
all Lombardy is lost, and all thy opponents will 
make their nest there. But this will be a victory 
to strike terror into all the rest " (8). He prepared 
for the siege; he sent for masons and carpenters, 
prepared engines of war and covered mines (9), and. 
showed many clear signs of fighting. The city was 
very strong and inhabited by brave people, and on 
the hilly side of it there was a fort, and the slope 
was precipitous (10) : the garrison could not be 
deprived of access to this fort. The city was diffi- 
cult to take by assault. [The Emperor]] took up 
his position here (11) one day, thinking to assault the 
city on the side towards Germany, because if that 
part of it were taken the city would be conquered. 

M. Tibaldo, intending to bring succour, went to 
that part, and through the justice of God his horse 
stumbled and fell. He was seized and led to the 
Emperor, who rejoiced greatly at his capture ; and 
having caused him to be tried, he had him drawn 
round the city on an ox's hide, and then beheaded, 
and his body quartered ; and the others who were 
taken he caused to be hanged. 


In like manner those within behaved cruelly to 
those without; when they seized one of them, they 
placed him on the battlements, in order that he 
might be seen ; and there they flayed him, and 
showed great wickedness. And if any of those 
within were taken, they were hanged by those 
without. And thus, with engines of war and cross- 
bows, both within and without they fought hard 
against one another. The city could not be so 
closely invested that spies did not enter it, sent by 
the Florentines, who encouraged them with letters 
and sent money. 

One day M. Galerano (12), the Emperor's brother, 
a fine man and of lofty stature, was riding round the 
city to observe it, without a helmet on his head [and] 
wearing a bright red doublet ; he was hit on the 
neck by an arrow, so that he only lived a few days. 
They robed him after the manner of princes, and 
he was carried to Verona, where he was honoured 
with burial. 

Many counts, knights, and barons, Germans and 
Lombards, died at Brescia. Very many fell sick 
there, because the siege lasted until the 18th of 

On the 1 8th of September 1 3 1 1 (13) (because 
the position of the camp was inconvenient, the heat 
great, the supplies brought from a distance, and the 
knights delicately nurtured ; and within the city very 
many of the people were dying of hunger and hard- 
ship, owing to the watch they were obliged to keep 
and to their great anxieties), through the mediation 
of three Cardinals who had been sent from the Pope 
to the Emperor — who were Messer of Ostia, Messer 
of Albano, and Messer dal Fiesco (14) — an agree- 


ment was effected between the Emperor and the 
Brescians that they should give up the city to him, 
their goods and their persons being spared. And 
they surrendered to the said Cardinals. 

The Emperor entered the city, and kept the 
terms that had been made with them. He caused 
the walls to be destroyed, and placed some of the 
Brescians under bounds ; and he left the siege with 
far fewer of his knights, for they had died there, 
while many had turned back sick. 

i. The Maggi were the heads of the Ghibelline party ; 
the Bruciati, or Brusati, of the Guelf party. Under the rule 
of the Maggi, Tibaldo and the rest of his party had been in 
exile ; but the Emperor, in accordance with his design to 
make peace in all the Italian cities, had reinstated theGuelfs 
in Brescia, deprived the Ghibellines of the government, and 
placed both parties alike under the rule of his own Vicar. 

2. I.e. when the Emperor made from Cremona the same 
demand on Brescia for reinforcements that he had made on 
other cities in Lombardy. 

3. The meaning of this is, that Tibaldo Bruciati con- 
trived that the only knights sent to the Emperor should be 
those who were followers of Maffeo Maggi {i.e. Ghibellines), 
and had with their leader already submitted to the Emperor 
(as stated in the first sentence of the chapter). The conse- 
quence was that the city of Brescia remained at the mercy 
of Tibaldo and the Guelfs. 

4. I.e. certain of the followers of Tibaldo. 

5. The word " chamber " was used in a special sense of 
the imperial residence (cf. III. 26, n. 6). As to the cere- 
monial acts here mentioned cf. previous chapter, n. 3. 

6. The new Vicar was Galeazzo, son of Maffeo Visconti 
{cf. III. 27, near the end). 

7. I.e. in addition to his German troops the Emperor 
was followed by the forces of many cities in Lombardy and 
by various Italian Magnates. 

8. Cf. the Vllth Epistle of Dante, who there urges Henry 
to hasten to Tuscany. 

9. Cave e coverte, lit. excavations and coverings. The 
exact nature of the works is uncertain. 

10. The reference is to the high ground at the north-east 
corner of the city. 


n. I.e. on the north-east side ; which Dino immediately 
afterwards calls " the side towards Germany." 

12. The Italian form of Waleran. 

13. This sentence is clumsily put together. The paren- 
thesis which follows contains a statement, first from the 
point of view of the besiegers, next from that of the be- 
sieged, of the causes which led them to desire to bring the 
struggle to a close. 

14. Messer of Ostia was the Cardinal of Prato (III. i, 
n. 5) ; Messer of Albano was Leonardo Patrasso of Guer- 
cino, Bishop of Albano, uncle of Boniface VIII. ; Messer dal 
Fiesco was Luca Fieschi, of the family of the Counts of 
Lavagna {cf. II. 35, n. 9). These and two other Cardinals, 
Arnaut Fauger, Bishop of Sabina (a Gascon), and Francesco 
Orsini (mentioned above, II. 35), had been deputed by the 
Pope to officiate at the Emperor's coronation, and to bear 
him company to Rome, that he might have an angelic escort, 
like the young Tobias, as Clement expresses himself in the 
Bull appointing them (Bonaini, i. 187). 


The Emperor proceeds to Pavia, and to Genoa, 
where he is received with great honour, and 
the lordship of the city is conferred on him. 
Death of the Empress (October to December 

The Emperor departed from Brescia and went 
on to Pavia, on account of a quarrel which had 
arisen between those of the House of Beccheria 
and M. Riccardino, son of Count Filippone (1), 
because the Bishop of Pavia had died, and each 
wished for the new appointment (2). And so 
great was the strife that those of the House of 
Beccheria slew four of their adversaries. The 
Vicar (3), together with M. Riccardino, fought 
with those of the House of Beccheria so that they 
drove them out of the city, and took from them 
their fortresses outside it. 


Thinking he had lost much time [already], the 
Emperor rode towards Genoa, which was held by 
M. Branca d'Oria (4), where he arrived on the 
2 1 st of October 131 1, and M. Branca d'Oria (4) 
received him honourably and swore obedience to him. 

M. Obizzino Spinola, the leader of the other fac- 
tion (who had been outlawed), came to meet him, 
and honoured him with much reverence. Wise men 
thought that it was the quarrel between the two fac- 
tions that caused so much honour to be paid him, 
because they acted as they did out of rivalry. But 
the Genoese are by nature very haughty and proud, 
and quarrelsome among themselves, so much so 
that the old King Charles was never able to 
make peace among them (5). And, on account 
of their pride, it was never believed that they would 
even give the Emperor passage, much less receive 
him as their lord (6). " For the citizens " [it was 
said] " are resentful, their coast is mountainous ; the 
Germans are free with the women, the Genoese 
are jealous of them : there will be fighting." 

[But] God, who rules and governs princes and 
peoples, instructed them, and they bowed their 
wills, prudently, like noble men, and honoured the 
Emperor, and kept him in their city several months. 
During this time Death, who spares none nor [delays 
his coming] for long, by the will of God parted from 
the world the noble Empress, a lady of the highest 
renown for a life virtuous even to sanctity, a 
servant of Christ's poor. She was buried with 
great honour on the 12th of November in the 
principal church of Genoa (7). 

1. See III. 25, n. 7 ; III. 26, n. 8. 

2. I.e. each side wanted the new Bishop to be a member 


of their own family, or, at least, to be a man amenable to 
their influence. 

3. I.e. the Vicar whom Henry had put there (see next 
chapter, n. 7). 

4. For Branca d'Oria (whom Dante has rendered in- 
famous in I?ifer~no xxxiii. 137 ff.), the name of his son 
Barnabas d'Oria should be substituted here and below. 
This man, and his rival, Obizzino Spinola, mentioned just 
below, were both Ghibellines. 

5. Dino here insinuates that factious rivalry was no new 
thing in Genoa, and would therefore not be enough to 
account for the honour paid by both parties to the Emperor ; 
moreover, this independent spirit of the Genoese would 
naturally, as in the time of Charles I. of Anjou, revolt 
against submission to any external authority. He is leading 
up to the statement in the next paragraph, that the sub- 
mission of the city was due to the direct interposition of 

6. On November 1, 131 1, Henry was appointed Lord of 
Genoa for twenty years, with the right of appointing a 
vicar to rule there. 

7. The Empress (see III. 24, n. 8) died on December 
14, and was buried in the Church of S. Francesco di 
Castelletto, which was demolished at the beginning of the 
nineteenth century. 


Ghiberto of Correggio, bribed by the Florentines, 
rebels against the Emperor and overthrows 
his authority in Parma, Reggio, and Cremona. 
The Emperor's work of pacification in Lora- 
bardy undone (October 131 1 to January 1312). 

The Florentines showed themselves altogether 
hostile towards him (the Emperor) by bringing 
about the rebellion of the cities of Lombardy. 
By money and by promises in letters they cor- 
rupted M. Ghiberto, lord of Parma (1), and gave 
him 15,000 florins in order that he might betray 


the Emperor and raise the city in revolt against 

Ah ! how much evil did this knight set himself 
to do, who had received great favours from him 
(the Emperor) in so short a time. For the 
Emperor had given him the fine fortress of San 
Donnino ; and another fortress which was on 
the river Po, the Emperor had taken from the 
Cremonese and given to him (2). And he had 
given the fair city of Reggio into his charge (3), 
believing him to be a faithful and loyal knight. 
This man, in arms, in the Piazza of Parma, 
cried " Death to the Emperor ! " and drove out 
his Vicar from the city, and welcomed the enemy 
(4). He sheltered himself under false words, 
saying that he did not do it for money, but because 
the Emperor had reinstated the Marquis Palla- 
vicino in Cremona, whom M. Ghiberto held as 
his enemy. 

The Florentines oppressed their poor citizens, 
taking their money from them to spend it on such 
merchandise as this. And they wrought so effec- 
tually that M. Ghiberto reinstated the Emperor's 
enemies in Cremona ; for he maintained them and 
gave them support on the bank of the Po ; and one 
day in order to help [them and] the Brescians (5), 
he marched with them at the head of about 100 
horsemen, against M. Galeazzo, who was in charge 
of Cremona (6), and they entered that city, and so 
many joined their side that few were left who 
were faithful to the Emperor, and these had to 
evacuate the city. M. Guidotto della Torre (6) 
rode thither with knights gathered from Tuscany. 
They fortified the city wiih ditches and palisades. 


Count Filippone, with wrathful mind, was opposing 
the Emperor (7), and was aiming at a matrimonial 
connection, a conspiracy, and a league with M. 
Ghiberto (8). The exiles from Brescia (9) united 
with him : for what the Emperor's clemency had 
pardoned, God had not pardoned, inasmuch as 
M. Tibaldo Bruciati's party, after having received 
pardon from the Emperor, had tried once more to 
take the city from him ; and therefore the other 
party, receiving succour sooner (10), had driven 
him, with their weapons in their hands, from 
Brescia and the Contado. 

Ah ! how greatly did wickedness multiply 
among the Lombards within a short time — the 
wickedness of slaying one another, and breaking 
the oath they had sworn ! (n). 

1. Already mentioned in III. 16. He was one of the 
knights made by Henry at his coronation at Milan 
(III. 26). 

2. This fortress was Guastalla. It had been taken from 
the Cremoneseby Ghiberto in 1307, recaptured by them in 
131 1, and restored to Ghiberto by the Emperor as an 
hereditary fief after the submission of Cremona (III. 28) in 
that same year. On the other hand, the statement that the 
Emperor bestowed Borgo San Donnino on Ghiberto is 

3. I.e. he had made Ghiberto Imperial Vicar there. 

4. The rebellion of Parma, and the expulsion of the Vicar 
whom Henry had placed there, occurred on Dec. 6, 131 1. 

5. The words "the Emperor's enemies" refer specially 
to the fugitives from Cremona (see III. 28). They occupied 
strong positions on the left bank of the Po at Casalmaggiore 
and Viandana. The former of these places is about twenty- 
two miles and the latter about thirty miles S.E. of Cremona, 
which is also on the left bank of the river. The Brescians 
(who are also included in the words "the Emperor's 
enemies") are the faction of Tibaldo Bruciati, who had 
been driven from the city in the circumstances stated 
farther on in this chapter. 

6. See III. 27. Guido della Torre died in this same 



year at Cremona, while engaged in his opposition to the 

7. After the Emperor's failure to make peace in Pa via, 
which was touched on in III. 30 (q.v.), Filippone, Count 
of Langosco, and his faction had rebelled against the Im- 
perial Vicar, Philip of Savoy (who had replaced Fiamengo 
di Lando, the Vicar mentioned in that passage). 

8. Filippone did, in fact, in 1312 marry, as his third wife, 
Helen, daughter of Ghiberto of Correggio. 

9. I.e. the faction of Tibaldo Bruciati {cf. above, n. 5). 

10. The faction of the Maggi, now headed by Federigo 
Maggi, Bishop of Brescia, anticipating the revolt of their 
rivals, had gathered round them the Ghibelline forces of the 

11. I.e. they had sworn fealty to the Emperor, and 
pledged themselves to live at peace together under the rule 
of his Vicars. 


Dino describes the intrigues of the Florentines to 
thwart the Emperor, and starting" with the 
year 1312 (the point which his narrative has 
now reached), works backwards to 131 1 and 
1310, describing particularly the dealings of 
the Florentine Government with Cardinal 
Pelagrii in 1310. 

The Florentines who were in Florence (1), full of 
apprehension and fear, busied themselves about 
nothing else but corrupting the rulers of different 
places with promises and with money which they 
drew from the miserable citizens, who allowed it 
to be taken from them little by little in order to 
preserve [their] liberty (2). Much of it they 
spent in wicked works. Their lives were wholly 
taken up by such-like proceedings. 

The Signory appointed secret agents (3): 
among these was one Friar Bartolomeo, son 


of a money-changer, an astute man, who had so- 
journed in England, and in his youth had received 
a good education, and was of subtle wit. They 
sent him to Court to work on the Pope and the 
Cardinals. And with letters borne by M. Baldo 
Fini of Fighine they worked on the King of 
France, to whom the Cardinal of Ostia (4) said : 
" What wondrous impudence is this of the Floren- 
tines, who with their ten nits are saucy enough to 
set all the princes agog ! " 

To the Pope they sent two ambassadors, who 
were M. Pino de' Rossi and M. Gherardo Bostichi, 
two able knights (5) ; much money was extracted 
from them, and much of it was wasted, and they 
did not get anything they wanted from the Pope. 

The Cardinal Pelagru, a native of Gascony, 
nephew of the Pope, was sent as Legate to Bologna, 
because on the death of the Marquis of Ferrara (6) 
the city was held by a bastard son of his, who, 
being unable to retain it, bargained with the 
Venetians and sold it to them. The Venetians 
came there and took and held it by force. M. 
Francesco of Este, brother of the Marquis, to- 
gether with the Bolognese and M. Orso degli 
Orsini of Rome, joined forces with the Church. 
The Cardinal went to Ferrara, and was not obeyed 
by the Venetians. He therefore instituted process 
of excommunication against them and condemned 
them ; he proclaimed a crusade against them ; and 
many people from various places went against them 
for the sake of the pardon (7) and to receive the 
pay. The Venetians held a fortress in Ferrara, 
which the Marquis had made very strong in the 
manner of a keep (8) ; the Venetians (9) came 


thither by water and were discomfited, and very 
many of them were taken prisoners and slain. 
This was a disaster for them, for they were de- 
feated very disgracefully, because the nobles who 
were there abandoned them (10). 

Cardinal Pelagru came to Florence, and was 
received with very great honour. The Carroccio 
(n) and the lancers (12) went to meet him 
as far as the hospital of San Gallo (13); the 
clergy went in procession, and the great popolani 
of that party (14) went on foot and on horseback 
to do him honour. 

He arrived in Florence, and the Florentines 
consulted much with him, and took care to inform 
him how they were practising with the Pope so 
that he might delay the Emperor's coming (15); 
and they begged him to keep the Pope up to the 
mark ; and so he promised to do. They gave 
him money, which he willingly accepted, and 
therewith paid the expenses of his legation ; and 
having come to an understanding with them, he 
left Florence. 

The Cardinal [then] went to the Emperor ; but 
as the latter knew of the parleyings the Cardinal 
had had with the Florentines, he did not show 
him much good will. He returned to the Pope, 
and the Pope, when the Cardinal had urged him 
in accordance with the Florentines' request, kept 
them in expectation, so that he extracted large 
sums of money from them. Now the motive of 
the Florentines' action was to wear the Emperor 

1. I.e. the Black Guelfs, who had control of the govern- 
ment, as distinguished from the exiles. 


2. The point of view of these " miserable citizens " was the 
exact contrary of that of Dante set forth in Efiist. v. 102 
and vi. 30 and 92. In the latter passage, addressing the 
" most infamous Florentines within the city," he says : 
' ' Where ye think to defend the corridor of false liberty, 
there shall ye fall into the dungeons of true slavery." 

3. I.e. unofficial agents, to be distinguished from the 
" ambassadors" mentioned afterwards. 

4. I.e. the Cardinal of Prato (as in III. 29). The anec- 
dote and the intrigues of the Florentines which gave rise to 
it are probably to be referred to the first half of 131 1. 

5. The date of this Embassy was Nov. 1310. See III. 33. 

6. See II. 32, n. 1 ; III. 16. Azzo VIII. died January 
31, 1308. Dino, before proceeding to speak of the visit 
of this Legate to Florence in August 1310, here refers to the 
original cause of his having been sent into Italy. The 
" bastard son" of the Marquis here mentioned was named 
Fresco, to whose legitimate son Folco the Marquis had 
bequeathed the lordship of Ferrara. 

7. Cf. III. 6, near the beginning. 

8. Aguisad'uno cassero. The " cassero " was the strongest 
and most elevated part of a castle, and in the form of a 
rectangular or round tower. The name of this fortress was 
Castel Tedaldo ; it was at the head of a bridge across the 
Po, and was destroyed in 1598. Dino's words appear to 
mean that the " keep" had been added to it by Azzo VIII. 

9. I.e. reinforcements from Venice which came up the Po. 

10. This statement as to the misbehaviour of the Venetian 
nobles appears to be unfounded. The defeat of the Vene- 
tians by the allied forces under the Cardinal Legate occurred 
on August 28, 1309. 

11. The Carroccio was a chariot on four wheels drawn 
by a pair of oxen and bearing the standard of the Common- 
wealth, and was in ancient times taken into battle and 
guarded by the bravest of the popolani. Its use in war had 
been given up at the time of which Dino is writing (see 
Villani, vi. 75). 

12. Armeggiatori (see I. 7, n. 7). 

13. See III. 10, n. 7. 

14. I.e. the Black Guelfs. 

15. Bear in mind that Dino has now worked back to 
August 1310, before the Emperor had set out for Italy 
(see III. 24). 



Deaths of the Cardinal of Albano, the Bishop of 
Liege, M. Pino de' Rossi, and M. Gherardo 
Bostichi (1311, 1312). 

Of three cardinals whom the Pope had sent to the 
Emperor while he was besieging Brescia, one died, 
namely, the Cardinal of Albano, who came to Lucca 
sick and died there (1). The Bishop of Liege, a 
great friend of the Emperor, also died while in his 
service (2). He had given the Bishop Reggiolo, 
which is between Reggio and Mantua, but the 
Mantuans afterwards took it from the man to whom 
it had been entrusted (3). 

The two Florentine ambassadors who were at 
court (4) died there, M. Pino de' Rossi dying first ; 
and in recognition of his exertions, two of his 
kinsmen and relations were knighted by the people 
(5), and much money was given them out of what 
was being taken from the Ghibellines and the 
Whites : for although the Whites retained some 
marks of the Guelf party (6), they were treated by 
them (the Blacks) as bitter enemies. Afterwards 
died M. Gherardo, but his kinsmen were honoured 
neither by knighthood nor by money, because he 
had not been so faithful as the other. 

1. See III. 29, n. 14. The Cardinal of Albano died on 
December 6, 1311. 

2. This bishop was one of the Emperor's chief barons. 
He was taken prisoner in May 1312 at Rome in a battle 
between the Emperor's forces and those of King Robert of 
Naples, and as he was being carried off was wounded by a 
Catalan, and died soon after (see Villani, ix. 43, and below, 
III. 36, n. 9). 


3. I.e. by the Bishop. 

4. See III. 32, n. 5. Pino de' Rossi died in March 1311, 
his colleague probably later in the same year. 

5. I.e. by the Commonwealth (see I. 8, n. 6). 

6. Cf. II. 30, 31. 


Political condition of Tuscany during the Emperor's 
advance. Guelf league against him. He sends 
ambassadors into Tuscany (1311, 1310). 

The Florentines, blinded by their presumption, put 
themselves in opposition to the Emperor, not like 
prudent but like presumptuous warriors, being in 
league with the Bolognese, the Sienese, the Lucchese, 
the Volterrans, the citizens of Prato, the Colligiani 
(1), and with the other fortresses (sic) belonging to 
their party. The Pistojans, poor and exhausted, 
afflicted and ruined by war, did not hold with them 
altogether, not because they were not of one mind 
[with them], but because [the Florentines] had been 
wont to appoint Podesta there with such high 
salaries that they could not support the payments (2). 
They would therefore not have been able to pay 
their quota (3), since they were paying 48,000 
florins a year to the Marshal and his men (4). 
And they kept this force with them so that the 
Florentines might not come into the city. The 
Lucchese always kept ambassadors at the Emperor's 
court, and sometimes they said that they would 
obey him if he would grant them letters [declaring] 
that they might retain as their own the lands they 
held which belonged to the Empire (5), and that 


he would not reinstate their exiles (6). The 
Emperor made no agreement with them nor with 
others; but he sent M. Louis of Savoy (7) and 
other ambassadors into Tuscany, who were honour- 
ably received by the Lucchese and presented with 
pieces of taffeta and other things. The citizens 
of Prato and all the other cities presented him with 
splendid gifts, excusing themselves [from swearing 
fealty to him on the ground that] they were in 
league with the Florentines. 

Siena played the harlot (8), for throughout this 
war she did not bar the enemy's passage, nor yet 
altogether depart from the will of the Florentines. 
The Bolognese held firmly to the Florentines 
against the Emperor, because they greatly feared 
him ; they fortified themselves strongly, and set up 
palisades round the city. It was said that they 
had no defence against him because the Church 
had given him passage (9) ; however, since it 
seemed to him that that was a difficult way by 
which to enter Tuscany, he did not go by it. 

It was said that the Marquises Malespini wanted 
to make him come through Lunigiana (10), and had 
the roads prepared, and widened in the narrow 
places. If he had gone by that way, he would 
have entered amongst faithless vassals ; but God 
instructed him, 

1. See I, 9, n. 5. The league here spoken of had begun 
to be discussed in November 1310, when the Emperor had 
just entered Italy, and was formed early in 131 1 (Bonaini, 
ii. 3, 4, 17). 

2. After the surrender of Pistoja (III. 15) the offices of 
Captain and Podesta were filled one by a Florentine, the 
other by a Lucchese. 

3. Taglia, i.e. their contribution towards the support of 
the forces of the league [cf. II. 32, n. 5). 


4. In 1309 the Pistojans had surrendered their city to 
King Robert of Naples, who appointed a Vicar to rule in 
his name. Diego de la Rat continued to hold the office of 
Marshal that he had held under King Robert's father, 
Charles the Lame (see III. 19, n. 5). 

5. I.e. estates and fortresses which had formerly been 
held by vassals of the Empire but over which the Common- 
wealth had extended its jurisdiction (see I. i, n. 5). 

6. I.e. the Ghibelline exiles, in accordance with the 
Emperor's policy of pacification. 

7. Louis of Savoy was nephew of the Emperor's brother- 
in-law, Amedeus V. (see III. 24, n. 8). The embassy in 
question was sent in the summer of 1310. 

8. Cf. II. 28, n. 9. 

9. I.e. they could not have resisted him without rebelling 
against the Church, under whose supremacy Romagna was. 
King Robert was the Pope's Vicar in Romagna. 

10. Dino, in preparation for the resumption in the next 
chapter of his narrative of the Emperor's journey to Rome, 
here goes back to consider Henry's position after the end 
of the siege of Brescia (see III. 29), and intimates that he 
hesitated between entering Tuscany by the road from 
Bologna to Florence and entering it by the valley of the 
Magra or Macra, which was known as Lunigiana and was 
under the dominion of the family of Malaspina (or, as Dino 
calls them, Malespini), some of whom were Guelfs and 
others Ghibellines. In the end Henry took a third alter- 
native and went (as we have seen) by Pavia to Genoa (III. 
30), and, as we shall see at the beginning of the next chapter, 
from Genoa to Pisa by sea. 


The Emperor arrives at Pisa and is received there 
with great rejoicing- (March 6, 1312). The 
Florentines refuse to send ambassadors to him 
there. Account of the Florentines' reception of the 
Emperor's ambassador, Louis of Savoy, in 1310. 

The Emperor went to Genoa in order to get to 
Pisa, a city devoted heart and soul to the imperial 


cause, which hoped more from his coming than any 
other city, which had sent him 70,000 florins when 
he was in Lombard y, and had promised him 70,000 
when he should arrive in Tuscany, thinking to 
recover her fortresses ( 1 ) and to rule over her 
adversaries. This [is the city] which presented 
him with the splendid sword as a token of love ; 
which rejoiced and was glad at his prosperity ; 
which was often threatened on his account ; which 
has always been an open door (2) for him and 
for the new princes who have come into Tuscany 
by sea or by land to assist their party ( 3 ) ; which 
is carefully watched by Florentines, when [its 
citizens] rejoice over the prosperity of the Empire. 

The Emperor arrived at Pisa on the 6th of 
March 131 1 (4) with 30 galleys, where he was 
received with great rejoicing and gladness, and 
honoured as their lord. The Florentines did not 
send ambassadors thither because the citizens were 
not at peace [with him] ; once they had chosen 
ambassadors to send to him and then they did not 
send them (5), trusting more to simony and to cor- 
rupting the Court of Rome than to making terms 
with him. 

M. Louis of Savoy [who had been] sent as 
ambassador into Tuscany by the Emperor, came 
to Florence (6), and was little honoured by the 
noble citizens, who did the contrary of what they 
ought. He demanded that an ambassador should 
be sent to do honour and promise obedience to the 
Emperor as their lord. Their answer, given by 
M. Betto Brunelleschi on behalf of the Signory, 
was " that never to any lord had the Florentines 
lowered their horns" (7). And they sent no 


ambassador to him (8), though they would have 
obtained the most favourable terms from him, 
because the Guelfs of Tuscany were the greatest 
obstacle he met with. 

When the ambassador departed (9) he returned 
to Pisa. And the Florentines caused a fort to be 
built at Arezzo and began the war again there (10). 
They showed themselves altogether hostile to the 
Emperor, saying that he was a cruel tyrant, that he 
joined himself to the Ghibellines and would not 
look at the Guelfs. And in their official docu- 
ments they used the words "for the honour of 
Holy Church and the death of the King of 
Germany " (n). They removed the Eagles 
from their gates and from any places where they 
were carved or painted, imposing punishment on 
any who should paint them, or should not obliterate 
them when painted. 

1. Fortresses surrendered to Florence and Lucca in 1285 
by Count Ugolino della Gherardesca (then ruler of Pisa), 
after the defeat of the Pisans by the Genoese at the battle 
of La Meloria in 1284, and the subsequent alliance between 
the Genoese and the League of Guelf cities in Tuscany 
against Pisa [cf. Inf. xxxiii. 85, 86 n.). 

2. Diritta porta. 

3. Dino here passes from the Emperor Henry VII. in 
particular to refer to his predecessors. "New princes" 
seems to mean " princes from foreign lands." 

4. 1312 N.S. 

5. Dino makes a rapid transition back to 1310, and he 
seems to be referring to the refusal of the Florentine govern- 
ment in that year to send ambassadors, after having already 
appointed them, to Henry at Lausanne before he crossed 
the Alps, as stated by Villani, ix. 7 ; since they seem to have 
had ambassadors at his court at the end of that year. See 
Bonaini, ii. 6, 7 ; and Bullettino della Societa Dantesca 
Italiana, x. 136 n. 

6. See preceding chapter, n. 7. Louis arrived at Florence 
on July 3, 1310. 


7. See Dante, Epist. vii. 155-157. Cf. Villani, viii. 120. 

8. I.e. before his arrival in Italy. See n. 5 to this 

9. I.e. Louis of Savoy (above n. 6 to this chapter). 

10. The allusion is to the refusal of the Florentines, at 
the bidding of Louis of Savoy and his colleagues in the 
embassy, to raise the siege of Arezzo, on which they were 
engaged in June and July 1310 (see Villani, viii. 118-120). 
When at length, at the end of July, the army returned to 
Florence they left a garrison in a fort they had built near 
Arezzo (as stated by Dino), who "made much war" against 
the city. 

ii. Dino now returns to the year 1312. The following 
quotation from a letter written on Aug. 10 in that year by 
the Florentine government to King Robert (Bonaini, ii. 136) 
illustrates what Dino here says of their language in their 
"public documents" [bajidi). They entreat the king to 
deign ' ' to come with the army you have repeatedly 
promised to Rome without delay, for the exaltation of your- 
self and your posterity, the safety of all who are devoted to 
you, and the confusion and death of the King of Germany, 
his favourers and accomplices, the inveterate rebels against 
and persecutors of the Holy Church of God." 


The Emperor proceeds to Rome, and, in consequence 
of the undisguised and persistent opposition 
of the Florentines, abandons his attitude of 
impartiality and identifies himself with the 
Ghibellines. His coronation (1312). 

The Emperor, mocked by the Florentines, departed 
from Pisa and went to Rome, where he arrived on 
the 7th of May 13 12, and was honourably received 
as lord (1) and put into the Senator's place (2). 
Hearing of the wrongs which the Guelfs of 
Tuscany had done him, and finding that the 


Ghibellines who attached themselves to him were 
well disposed, he changed his purpose and attached 
himself to them ; turning towards them [alone] the 
love and kindness he had at first given to the 
Guelfs [also]. And he resolved to help them, and 
to reinstate them, but to hold the Guelfs and the 
Blacks as enemies and persecute them. 

The Florentines had always kept ambassadors at 
the court of King Robert, begging him to attack 
the Emperor with his troops, promising and giving 
him much money (3). 

King Robert, like a wise (4) prince and a friend 
of the Florentines, promised to help them (5) and 
did so ; while to the Emperor he made a pretence 
of urging and admonishing the Florentines to be 
obedient to him, as their lord. And when he 
heard that the Emperor was at Rome, he sent 
his brother M. John thither at once with 300 
horsemen (6), feigning to send him for his (the 
Emperor's) defence and for the honour of his 
crown ; but King Robert sent him in order that 
he might come to an understanding with the Orsini, 
the Emperor's enemies, corrupt the Senate (7), and 
hinder his coronation ; and truly he (King Robert) 
knew what he was about. 

Feigning great love to the Emperor, the king 
sent him his ambassadors to congratulate him on 
his coming, making him splendid offers, soliciting a 
matrimonial alliance (8), [and saying] that he was 
sending his brother to honour his coronation and to 
help him if needful. 

The most wise Emperor answered him with his 
own mouth : " The King's offers are late, and 
M. John's coming is too early." The Emperor's 


answer was wise, for he well understood the cause 
of his coming. 

On the ist of August 13 12, Henry, Count of 
Luxemburg, Emperor and King of the Romans, 
was crowned at Rome in the church of San 
Giovanni Laterano by M. Nicholas, Cardinal of 
Prato, and by M. Luca dal Fiesco, Cardinal of 
Genoa, and by M. Arnaldo Pelagru, a Gascon 
Cardinal, by licence and mandate of Pope Clement 
V. and of his Cardinals (9). 

1. I.e. by the Colonna and the Ghibellines [cf. below, 
n. 9). 

2. I.e. the Senator (see below, n. 7), Louis of Savoy (III. 
34, n. 7 ; 35), surrendered his jurisdiction to the Emperor. 

3. This applies not only to the present year, 1312, but to 
the years preceding. 

4. He was surnamed "the Wise." Villani (xii. 10) says 
that " he was the wisest king that has been among 
Christians for the last 500 years, both as to natural wit and 
as to learning, a great master in theology, and a supreme 

5. There is probably a special reference here to King 
Robert's visit to Florence in Sept. 1310 (see III. 24, n. 9), 

6. This is inaccurate. John of Anjou, Prince of Taranto, 
had been sent by King Robert to Rome with an army, at 
the instance of the Florentines (Bonaini, ii. 92), before the 
Emperor reached Pisa ; and the Florentines also sent a 
paid contingent to support him. 

7. This statement is puzzling, since the mediaeval Senate 
of Rome, which had been set on foot in 1144 as the result 
of a rising of the people against the nobles, had ever since 
1 198 been reduced to a single Senator (or sometimes two), 
whose office resembled that of the Podesta in other Italian 
cities. A sort of popolano government, consisting of a body 
of thirteen " elders " and a captain, had been set up in 1305, 
but as a matter of fact the city had been in a state of utter con- 
fusion and anarchy for some years before Henry's corona- 
tion ; and had been the scene of constant fighting between 
the Colonna and the Orsini factions. 

8. It is impossible to reconcile Dino's statements in this 
sentence with the facts. So far from making a show of 


friendship, King Robert's forces under Prince John were 
offering a vigorous resistance to Henry (see next note). In 
March 1312 Henry had sent ambassadors to Robert to 
continue negotiations already begun concerning a marriage 
between his daughter Beatrice and Robert's son Charles, 
Duke of Calabria, and to propose an arrangement in refer- 
ence to Henry's coronation and the affairs of Lombardy 
and Tuscany. But these negotiations had no result, and 
Henry's ambassadors returned to him soon after his arrival 
at Rome. Perhaps some insulting message King Robert 
sent back by them may have been the foundation of Dino's 

9. The day of the coronation was June 29. The western 
and most populous part of the city, including St. Peter's, 
where the coronation should have been performed, was in 
the hands of the Orsini and the forces of Prince John, 
and was strongly fortified. Desperate but unavailing 
attempts were made by the Imperialists to dislodge their 
enemies, and at length, after the struggle had continued for 
about a month, it was settled that the ceremony should be 
held in St. John Lateran. The principal officiating prelate 
was the Cardinal of Sabina, Amaut Fauger (see III. 29, 
n. 14), whom Dino confounds with Cardinal Arnaut 
Pelagru, who was not present. 


Dino, having brought his narrative to an end by the 
coronation of Henry VII. as Emperor, sets 
forth in this and the next four chapters the 
execution of God's judgments against the 
leaders of the Black faction. 

How doth the justice of God cause His Majesty 
to be praised, when by new miracles He shows to 
humble folk that He is not unmindful of their 
wrongs ! Great peace does it bring to the minds 
of those who receive wrongs from the powerful, 
when they see that God remembers them. And 
how openly God's acts of vengeance are known 


when He has delayed and suffered long ! But 
when He delays it is for heavier punishment ; 
though many believe that He has forgotten. 

There were four leaders in this faction of the 
Blacks (i), that is to say, M. Rosso della Tosa, 
M. Pazzino de' Pazzi, M. Betto Brunelleschi, 
and M. Geri Spini. Afterwards two more were 
added to them, that is to say, M. Teghiajo Fresco- 
baldi, and M. Gherardo Ventraia, a man of little 
sincerity (2). 

These six knights compelled Folcieri, Podesta 
of Florence, to behead Masino Cavalcanti and one 
of the Gherardini (3). These caused the Priors 
and the other officials within and without [the 
city] to be elected as they pleased. These re- 
leased and condemned whom they would, gave 
authoritative opinions (4), and rendered services 
and disservices as they chose. 

1. I.e. after the death of Corso Donati. 

2. See I. 22, n. 6. 

3. See II. 29. 

4. Davano le risposte. Cf. III. 19, where the same phrase 
is used in reference to the first four of these ringleaders of 
the Black faction. 


Character and death of M. Rosso della Tosa. 
Career of his sons. 

M. Rosso della Tosa was an ambitious knight, 
the leader in the Florentines' quarrels, the enemy 
of the people, the friend of tyrants. This was he 
who sundered the entire Guelf party of Florence 


into Whites and Blacks (1); this was he who 
kindled the discords among the citizens ; this was 
he who by his activity, by making treaties and 
promises (2), held the rest under him. He was 
very loyal to the Black party, and persecuted the 
Whites. On him the surrounding cities of the 
Black party relied, and with him they made 

This man — having long been awaited by God, 
seeing that he was more than seventy-five years 
old — was walking one day, [when] a dog ran 
between his feet and threw him down, so that he 
broke his knee, and a fistula formed in it ; and 
while the doctors were torturing him, he died in 
convulsions (3). And he was buried with great 
honour, as was fitting for a great citizen. 

He left two sons, Simone and Gottifredi, who 
were knighted by the party (4), and with them 
was knighted a young kinsman of theirs called 
Pinuccio, and much money was given them. And 
they were known as the " knights of the spinning- 
wheel, " because the money which was given them 
was taken from the poor women who spun at a 

These two knights, his sons, attempting to live 
in great state in order to be honoured (for they 
thought that the deeds of their father demanded 
this), began to decay, while M. Pino began to 
prosper, and in a short time made himself great (5). 

1. I.e. he was one of those who did most to cause and 
keep on foot the division of the Guelf party. 

2. The "treaties" refer to his negotiations with other 
cities ; the " promises," to pledges given to members of his 
own faction in Florence. 



3. He died in July 1309. 

4. I.e. by the authority of the organisation known as the 
Guelf party in its narrower sense (see I. 3, n. 2). Gottifredi 
= Godfrey. 

5. There is an interesting connection between Pino della 
Tosa and Dante, for it was he, together with Ostasio of 
Polenta, by whose influence the Cardinal Legate Beltrando 
of Poggetto was dissuaded from his infamous purpose of 
burning the bones of Dante in 1329 (Wicksteed's "Early 
Lives of Dante," p. 98 ; Ricci, Uulthno riftigio di Da?ite, 
pp. 187-192 ; Zenatti, Dante e Firenze, p. 188). Pino 
della Tosa was in that year ambassador from Florence to 


Character of M. Betto Brunelleschi. 
His death (March 131 1). 

M. Betto Brunelleschi and his house were of 
Ghibelline stock. He was rich, having many 
estates and much property ; [but] he was held in 
great infamy by the people, because in times of 
dearth he locked up his grain and said : u Either 
I will have such a price for it, or it shall never 
be sold at all." He treated the Whites and 
Ghibellines very ill, and showed them no pity ; 
and that for two reasons — first, in order that he 
might stand better with the ruling party ; secondly, 
because he never hoped for mercy for such a fault 
as his (1). He was much employed in embassies, 
because he was a good speaker. He was on 
familiar terms with Pope Boniface, and very inti- 
mate with M. Napoleone Orsino, the Cardinal, 
when he was legate in Tuscany ; and he put the 
Cardinal off with words (2), depriving him of all 
hope of making peace between the Whites and 
Blacks of Florence. 


This knight was in great part the cause of 
M. Corso Donati' s death (3) ; and he had so 
given himself up to evil that he cared neither for 
God nor for the world, [even] trying to become 
reconciled to the Donati by excusing himself and 
accusing others. One day when he was playing 
chess, two young men of the Donati, with others, 
their companions, came to him at his house, and 
wounded him in the head repeatedly, so that they 
left him for dead. But one of his sons wounded 
a son of Biccicocco (4) so that he only survived 
a few days. For some days M. Betto's condition 
was such that men thought he would escape ; but 
after some days, frenzied, without repenting or 
making amends to God and to the world, and 
in great disfavour with many citizens, he died 
miserably. Many rejoiced at his death, for he 
was a very bad citizen. 

1. I.e. deserting his party, that of the Whites (see II. 23). 

2. See III. 18. 

3. See III. 21, n. 3. 

4. A member of the Donati family. 


M. Pazzino de' Pazzi murdered by Paffiera Caval- 
canti (Jan. 1312). In consequence of this the 
Cavalcanti, who had been reinstated after their 
former banishment (see III. 8), are banished 

M. Pazzino de' Pazzi, one of the four chief rulers 
of the city, tried to make peace with the Donati 
for himself and for M. Pino (1), although he (M. 


Pino) had not been much to blame for the death of 
M. Corso ; because [though] he had beeo a great 
friend of M. Corso, he had not meddled in the 
strife (2). 

Now the Cavalcanti, who were a powerful 
family and had amongst them about seventy men 
able to bear arms, deeply hated these six pre- 
dominant knights (3), who had constrained the 
Podesta, Folcieri, to behead Masino Cavalcanti, 
but they endured it without making any sign. 

One day Paffiera Cavalcanti, a high-spirited 
youth, hearing that M. Pazzino had gone on the 
dry bed of the Arno by Santa Croce (4) with a 
falcon and with one servant only, mounted his 
horse with certain companions, and they went to 
find him. When he saw them he began to flee 
toward the Arno : [Paffiera] followed him and 
thrust him through the back with a lance. He fell 
into the water, and they cut his veins, and fled 
towards Val di Sieve (5). And thus he died 

The Pazzi and Donati armed themselves and ran 
to the palace (6) ; and with the Gonfalon of Justice 
and with some of the city militia (7) they rushed 
to the houses of the Cavalcanti in the New Market, 
and set fire to three of their palaces with fagots. 
Then they turned towards the house of M. Brunetto 
(8), believing he had caused this [deed] to be 

M. Attaviano Cavalcanti was aided by the sons 
of M. Pino (9) and by others of his friends. They 
made barricades, and with horse and foot made 
themselves so strong that their opponents could do 
nothing?, for within the barricade were M. Gotti- 


fredi and M. Simone della Tosa, Testa Torna- 
quinci, some of their kinsmen and some of the 
Scali, of the Agli, of the Lucardesi, and of many 
other families, who defended them bravely until they 
were compelled to disarm (10). 

When the citizens had become quiet, the Pazzi 
accused the Cavalcanti, and forty-eight of them were 
condemned in property and person. M. Attaviano 
took refuge in a hospital, through the protection of 
the Rossi; afterwards he went away to Siena. 

Several sons of M. Pazzino survived him, two 
of whom were knighted by the Commonwealth, as 
well as two of their kinsmen, and they were given 
4000 florins and 40 bushels of corn. 

1. Probably M. Pino de' Rossi, whose embassy to the 
Papal Court in 1310 is mentioned in III. 32, 33. 

2. Lit. "he troubled himself about nothing else" — i.e. in 
spite of his friendship with M. Corso, he did not interfere 
in the struggle betv/een M. Corso and his enemies. See 
III. 20, where the Rossi are mentioned among other of the 
"conspirators" who failed to come to M. Corso's help. 

3. See III. 37. 

4. In this year 1312 the third circle of the walls (cf. III. 
10, n. 7) was still unfinished, and the church of Sta. Croce 
was still outside the city. 

5. I.e. the valley of the Sieve, which falls into the Arno 
at Pontassieve, about 12 miles east of Florence. 

6. I.e. the palace of the Signory. The Donati, who had 
been banished in 1308 (see III. 20), had been recalled in 
131 1 {cf. next chapter). 

7. Con parte del popolo. Popolo is here equivalent to the 
" companies" composing the city militia (see II. 22, n. 4). 

8. Del Lungo thinks that a M. Brunetto Brunelleschi is 
here meant. 

9. Pino de' Rossi. It does not appear, says Del Lungo, 
that the Rossi were too well pleased with Pazzino's officious 
attempt to mediate between them and the Donati, mentioned 
at the beginning of this chapter. 

10. I.e. the Cavalcanti and their supporters were finally 
overpowered by their opponents. 



Dino makes a brief general reference to the violent 
end of the leaders of the Black Guelfs, and a 
particular reference to the continued miserable 
existence of the last of them, M. Geri Spini 


In how small a space of ground, the place where 
justice is done and wicked doers are punished by an 
evil death, have five cruel citizens perished! (1) 
These were M. Corso Donati, M. Niccola de' 
Cerchi, M. Pazzino de' Pazzi, Gherardo Bordoni, 
and Simone, son of M. Corso Donati (2), while 
M. Rosso della Tosa and M. Betto Brunelleschi 
[also] came to a violent end, and they were punished 
for their errors. 

M. Geri Spini has always lived much on his 
guard, since the Donati and their followers and the 
Bordoni have been recalled from banishment wirh 
great honour, [they] whose houses but a short while 
before had been destroyed by the Commonwealth, 
to their great shame and damage (3). 

1. The "small space of ground" is the plain east of 
Florence on the right bank of the Arno, between the streams 
of Affrico and Mensola, where, in fact, these citizens did 
come to a violent end. 

2. M. Niccola de' Cerchi belonged, of course, to the 
White party. He was brother to the first wife of Corso 
Donati (cf. I. 20, n. 3), and was murdered on Christmas 
Day 1301 by his nephew, Simone, son of Corso Donati. 
Simone was wounded by his uncle in the struggle, and died 
the same night (Villsni, viii. 49). 

3. See III. 20, and III. 40, n. 6. 



Conclusion. The author proclaims the approaching 
chastisement of the wicked citizens by the 
Emperor (1312). 

Thus is our city afflicted ! Thus our citizens re- 
main obstinate in evil-doing ! And that which is 
done one day is blamed the next. Sages were wont 
to say, "The wise man does nought of which he 
may repent " (1). But in this city, and by these 
citizens, nothing is done so praiseworthy but it is 
reputed to be the contrary and is blamed. Men 
slay one another here ; evil is not punished by law ; 
but in proportion as the evil-doer has friends and 
can spend money he gets off scot-free from the 
crime he has committed. 

Oh, unrighteous citizens, who have corrupted 
and defiled all the world with evil customs and false 
gains ! (2). Ye are they who have put every evil 
habit into the world. Now the world begins to 
turn against you : the Emperor with his power will 
cause you to be seized and robbed by sea and 
land (3). 

1. Cicero, Tusc. Disp. v. 28. 

2. I.e. illicit gains (see I. 1, n, 3). 

3. Dante's Epistola vi. (102 ff.) is exactly in the same 
strain. The Emperor Henry VII. did indeed come against 
Florence in the autumn of this year 1312, but, after a month 
and halfs siege, was beaten off: and on Aug. 24 of the 
following year he died. 


Sketch of the life of Dino Compagni and of the 
literary history of his Chronicle. 

Dino (in full, Aldobrandino or Ildebrandino) Com- 

pagni sprang from a substantial popolano family of 

merchants belonging to the wealthy guild of Por 

Santa Maria (see p. 268). He was born about 

the year 1257. He received a liberal education, 

knew Latin (or Grammar, as it was then called), 

and was familiar with the scholastic philosophy 

and with the Provencal and French languages. 

Like most men of cultivation at that time, he turned 

his attention to poetry. As Dino is put on a level 

with Guido Guinizelli, Guido Cavalcanti, Dante 

Alighieri, and Cino of Pistoja by Francesco of 

Barberino (1 264-1 348) in his commentary on his 

own Documenti d? Amore, it is probable that his 

compositions were numerous and held in high 

repute, though the five sonnets of his which have 

come down to us (one of which is referred to 

above, I. 20, n. 6) do not rise above mediocrity. 

A more meritorious effort is the poem on moral 

worth {Canzone del Pregio), printed in full at the end 

of Del Lungo's smaller edition of the Chronicle, in 

which Dino sets forth in successive stanzas the 

qualities which should adorn persons of every 

degree in the social scale, Emperor, King, Baron, 

Magistrate, Knight, &c. The poem is apparently 

unfinished and unrevised. There is also good 

reason for believing Dino to have been the author 



of an allegorical poem in 309 stanzas called L'intel- 
ligenza, of which an analysis will be found in 
Gaspary's " History of Early Italian Literature," 
translated by Oelsner (Bell & Sons, 1901). 

In 1280 Dino was enrolled in the guild of Por 
S. Maria as a master-trader, and between the 
years 1282 and 1299 was elected to serve as one 
of the four consuls of the guild no less than six 
times ; which, considering the fact that no person 
who had filled that office (held for six months at 
a time) could be re-elected till the expiration of 
two years, affords proof of his capacity and of the 
high standing he occupied among his fellow-traders 
even from an early age. A still more striking 
proof of the influential position he had acquired 
among his fellow- citizens is furnished by what he 
himself tells us in the Chronicle (I. 4) of the part 
he took in 1282m the establishment of the Priorate 
as the supreme authority in the Commonwealth. 

From 1282 till 1301 Dino took a most active 
part in the political life of Florence, as is evident 
from the frequent references he makes in the 
Chronicle to his own sayings and doings in con- 
nection with public affairs, and on twenty-eight 
occasions during that period we find his name re- 
corded as speaking in the councils ordinary and 
extraordinary of the Commonwealth. Had not 
the minutes of their proceedings between the years 
1294 and 1 301 been lost, this number would 
doubtless be much more considerable. Three times 
he was a member of the Signory, twice (in 1289 and 
1 301) as Prior (see I. 8 ; II. 5j^)» and once (in 
1293) as Gonfalonier of Justice (see I. 12). 

But politics, literature, and trade did not absorb 


the whole of Dino's energy. He was, as even a 
cursory perusal of the Chronicle shows, a man 
of sincere religion, and we are, therefore, not 
surprised to find him in the ranks of the Compagnia 
di Madonna Maria d y Orto San Michele, an associa- 
tion for devotional and charitable purposes, which 
spent its funds in the maintenance of religious 
services and in the relief of the poor. Dino held 
the office of a " Captain " of this society in 1 298. 

Considering the prominent part taken by Dino 
in public affairs as an adherent of the White party, 
it may seem strange that he should have escaped 
the sentence of banishment which so many of his 
companions in misfortune had to undergo. But so 
it was ; for though early in 1302 he was threatened 
with the modified form of exile known as setting 
under bounds, he was able to claim the benefit of 
a law whereby no one who had filled the office of 
Prior could be proceeded against (except for murder 
or aggravated assault) till a year after he had quitted 
office. Accordingly Dino appeared before the 
Podesta, M. Cante de' Gabnelli, on May 7, 
1302, and claimed his privilege; and does not 
seem to have been molested any more. But though 
Dino escaped banishment and confiscation of his 
goods, he was doomed to political extinction. 
Never again after November 7, 1301, when the 
last White Signory handed over the government 
to their Black successors (see Chronicle, II. 19) 
was Dino member of a Signory ; never again was 
his voice heard in the Councils. He continued to 
lead the uneventful life of a Florentine merchant 
at his house by the Arno (the site of which is now 
occupied by the Corsini palace) and at his shop 


hard by the palace of the Signory. Nay, such was 
the virulence of party hatred, he was never again 
appointed a Consul of his guild. On December 15, 
1 3 16, he was admitted a member of the guild of 
wool-merchants, paying, as one of the principal 
merchants, the maximum fee of 50 lire (Bullettino 
della Societa Dantesca Italiana, xiii. 4 «.). He 
died on February 26, 1324, and was buried in the 
Church of S. Trinita. He was twice married — first 
to a lady named Filippa, whose family is not known, 
and secondly to Francesca (Cecca), daughter of 
Puccio di Benvenuto of Forli. By his first wife he 
had six children. His second marriage was childless. 
The Chronicle, which was to give Dino an 
enduring place among the historians of Italy, was, 
as Del Lungo thinks, begun about the opening 
of the year 1311, and was certainly completed 
in the autumn of 13 12. The death of the 
Emperor Henry VII. in the following year 
shattered at once and for ever the confident ex- 
pectation of an imperial triumph over rebellious 
Florence, with the expression of which the 
Chronicle ends. The Black Guelfs might now 
work their will without hindrance, and we may 
well take it that Dino felt but little inclination to 
divulge his work, even if he could have done so 
with safety. Hence for a long time he, and 
afterwards his descendants, kept it concealed as 
"a species of dangerous contraband, " to use Del 
Lungo's expression, and it passed into almost total 
oblivion. The only trace of it in the fourteenth 
century appears in the important commentary on 
the Divina Commedia known as that of the Anonimo 
Fiorentino, compiled probably towards the end of 


that century, whose author, as Del Lungo proves, 
was acquainted with Dino's work and made use 
of it. The earliest MS. of the Chronicle which 
is known to exist dates from about 1475? and 
is in the Laurentian Library at Florence. It is 
known as the Ashburnham MS., from its having 
formed part of the library of the late Earl of 
Ashburnham, after whose death in 1878 the 
MS. was purchased by the Italian Government. 
The next oldest MS. dates from 15 14, and is in 
the National Library at Florence. This, as well 
as a number of MSS. of the seventeenth and 
eighteenth centuries, are all derived from the 
Ashburnham MS. During the whole course of 
the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries the Chronicle 
remained unnoticed, and was not disinterred from 
its unmerited neglect till the time of the Senator 
Carlo di Tommaso Strozzi (1587—1670), one of 
the most learned men and one of the most diligent 
students of history in that age. 

The Ashburnham MS. was then in the pos- 
session of the Senator Filippo Pandoliini (1575- 
1655), and Carlo Strozzi had a copy taken of it 
which he presented in 1637 to the reigning pontiff, 
Urban VIII. (Maffeo Barberini). Carlo Strozzi 
was employed by this Pope in a great work on the 
genealogy of the Barberini (published in 1640), in 
which for the first time Dino's name appeared in 
print as an authority on Florentine history. Had 
the Chronicle contained any allusion, however 
slight, to the progenitors of Pope Urban, there is 
little doubt that it would then and there have 
been published with all the prestige which papal 
favour could bestow. 


From this time Dino became known as an 
historian Dot to be neglected, and manuscript copies 
of the Chronicle began and continued to multiply 
through the second half of the seventeenth and the 
early part of the eighteenth century. Meantime 
the work remained unpublished, and though its 
publication was seriously contemplated by the 
learned Apostolo Zeno in 17 16, and by Salvino 
Salvini two years later, it was not carried out 
till 1726, when the Chronicle was included by 
Muratori in vol. ix. of his Rerum Itaiicarum 
Scriptores. It was reprinted by Domenico Maria 
Manni at Florence in 1728 ; and not again till 
1 81 8, when Rosini's edition of it appeared at Pisa. 
Since then numerous editions have been published, 
and the fame of Dino Compagni as an historian of 
the first importance became firmly established. In 
1874, however, Dr. SchefTer-Boichorst of Berlin 
published, in a volume entitled Florentiner Studien, 
a dissertation wherein he claimed to prove that 
the Chronicle was a forgery ; and in the following 
year, in a reply to a defence of its authenticity by 
C. Hegel, he still adhered to his position. Reading 
Scheffer-Boichorst's arguments in the light which 
more recent researches, especially those of Del 
Lungo, have thrown on the history of Florence in 
Dino's time, it is easy enough to recognise that 
SchefFer-Boichorst's thesis is vitiated by a radical 
misconception of the nature and scope of Dino's 
work, by a misunderstanding of particular passages 
in his text, and by an imperfect acquaintance with 
the documentary material that has since been more 
fully explored. It is palpable, moreover, that 
SchefTer-Boichorst condemned the authenticity of 


the Chronicle to a great extent on the ground 
that it was not the kind of book he, SchefFer- 
Boichorst, considered that the genuine Dino would 
have written. Still, there was in Scheffer- 
Boichorst's polemic an appearance of erudition 
and acuteness which made a great impression, and 
for a time Dino's credit was seriously shaken. 
In 187 9- 1887 appeared Del Lungo's great work, 
Dino Compagni e la sua Cronica. This edition 
of the Chronicle, in which Dino's text and the 
history of Florence during his time are illustrated 
with an extraordinary wealth of original research, 
comprises an elaborate refutation of all the argu- 
ments put forward by Scheffer-Boichorst against the 
authenticity of the Chronicle. ScherFer-Boichorst, 
in fact, afterwards so far abandoned an untenable 
position as to admit that Dino could no longer, 
as he had formerly judged, be struck out of 
historical literature ; but though he continued to 
deny that the existing Chronicle is anything more 
than a compendium containing some elements of a 
lost work by Dino, he never attempted a detailed 
reply to Del Lungo's exhaustive criticism of his 
theory, and the most recent authorities constantly 
cite the Chronicle, not only as authentic, but as 
one of the most important sources of information 
on the history of Florence during the period with 
which it is concerned. The words of Gaetano 
Salvemini (Magnati e Popolani in Firen%e, p. 222, 
n. 3) may be quoted in conclusion : " We cannot 
help pointing out to the reader the wonderful 
precision of all Compagni' s information. And to 
think that there was a time when people were 
capable of believing him to be a forger ! " 


The Florentine Constitution after 1282. 

A. The Guilds. 

Since after the establishment of the Priorate the 
Trade Guilds were the sole depositaries of political 
power in Florence, it is necessary to give some 
account of their organisation before speaking of the 
legislative and executive machinery of the State. 

Each guild was governed by officers known as 
Consuls or Capitudini ; and it should be noted that 
the word Capitudine, of which Capltudini is the 
plural, in its primary and strict sense meant the 
Consuls of a guild taken collectively ; though it 
was afterwards applied to them individually. The 
Capitudini were elected by the members of the 
guilds, and the members of the guilds were the 
master - traders ; the work-people (other than 
apprentices qualifying themselves to become 
masters in due time), though bound by the 
regulations of the guilds, which were of the most 
stringent and far-reaching character, were entirely 
excluded from all the privileges of the guild, and 
were in a position of quasi-slavery ; only they were 
the slaves of the guild and not of any private person. 

At the time of the institution of the Priorate 
there were seven guilds styled " greater," viz.: 
those of (1) the doctors of law (giudici) and 
notaries ; (2) the dressers and dyers of foreign 
cloth, called the Merchants of Calimala, from the 
place where they traded (cf. III. 8, n. 2) ; (3) the 


money-changers ; (4) the wool-merchants {Arte 
della lana) ; (5) the merchants of Por ( = Porta) S. 
Maria, who were engaged in the sale and purchase 
of cloth, silk, and other materials of clothing, be- 
sides all sorts of furniture — this guild was after- 
wards known as the Guild of Silk {Arte della seta), 
when the commerce in that article overshadowed 
that in all the other miscellaneous merchandises 
dealt in by the merchants of the guild ; (6) the 
physicians and apothecaries ; (7) the skinners. A 
few months after the institution of the Priorate, 
i.e. in the October of 1282, nine of the lesser 
guilds were reduced by amalgamation to five and 
added to the greater guilds, though they were not 
immediately put on an equal footing with the first 
seven {e.g. no Prior was chosen from among them 
till 1285). These five guilds were those of 
(1) the butchers; (2) the shoemakers; (3) the 
smiths; (4) the masons and carpenters; (5) the 
hosiers, hucksters, and (after 1291) the linen- 
drapers. Henceforth, therefore, the Greater 
Guilds numbered twelve. 

Similarly, in 1287 the Lesser Guilds were re- 
duced by amalgamations from sixteen to nine, and 
their political existence was recognised ; but they 
were accorded very limited powers {e.g. their 
Capitudini only attended the Councils of the 
Commonwealth in exceptional cases), and, except 
during the time of the ascendancy of Giano della 
Bella from 1293 to 1295 (see I. 11-16), 
were debarred from all effective participation in 
public affairs during the whole period covered by 
Dino's work. The total number of guilds was 
therefore twenty-one, after the year 1287. It 


may here be noted that the guild of the money- 
changers did not include bankers. Banking was 
carried on by merchants of other guilds, especially 
by those of Cahmala ; while the Guelf party 
organisation (see I. 3, n. 2) did a very large 
banking business. On the Guild of Doctors of 
Law and Notaries, see I. 12, n. 1. 

B. The Priors, or Signory. 1 

The Priors were elected by the Capitudinl of 
the Greater Guilds, together with certain " wise 
men" (cf. I. 11, n. 11) nominated by the out- 
going Priors. The Priors, in conjunction with the 
Capitudini of the Greater Guilds, had the general 
direction of public affairs, and appointed almost 
all the officials of the Commonwealth. "With- 
out the will of the Priors no Council, whether of 
* Wise Men,' of the Captain, or of the Podesta, 
could be called together, no law could be proposed, 
no deliberation could be had. The Councils of 
the Wise Men, of the Captain, and of the Podesta 
were formed not by election but by nomination, 
and this nomination was made by the Priors in 
company with ' Wise Men ' summoned for the 
purpose by the Priors themselves " (Salvemini, 
Magna ti e Popolani, pp. 116, 117). 

C. The Magistrates (Rettori) and Councils. 

The two chief officials of the Commonwealth 
were the Podesta (Lat. potestas) and the Captain 

1 After 1293 the term Signory included the Gonfalonier of 
Justice (see I. 11) as well as the Priors. 



of the People. Both these functionaries were 
obliged to be foreigners, and held office for six 
months ; and they were collectively known as the 
Magistrates [Rettori ; lit. rulers). The office of 
Podesta was established in the early years of the 
thirteenth century, that of Captain of the People 
in 1250, in opposition to the Podesta (see Villani, 
vi. 39). In Dino's time, however, the two 
Magistrates exercised co-ordinate authority, the 
Podesta being in some sort the head of the 
Magnates, while the Captain was the head of the 
popolanu In case of disputes between the two 
Magistrates, it was the Priors' duty to decide 
between them. The Podesta and Captain were 
judges both in civil and criminal cases. In civil 
cases the Podesta had appellate jurisdiction (see 
I. 4, n. 5), 

The ciril jurisdiction of the Captain was con- 
fined to fiscal cases. The Podesta had jurisdiction 
in all criminal cases ; the Captain had a con- 
current jurisdiction in certain criminal cases. Both 
Magistrates were assisted in the discharge of their 
judicial duties by a staff of doctors of law 
(giudici), who, like all the other members of their 
establishment or household (famiglia), were re- 
quired to be foreigners (cf. I. 16, n. 4). 

These Magistrates were also the heads of the 
army ; the Captain commanding the militia of 
the citizens, the Podesta the forces of the nobles. 
The Podesta, however, often acted as Commander- 
in-Chief; and was, moreover, the chief official 
representative of the Commonwealth. 

Furthermore, these Magistrates were entrusted 
with the duty of summoning (under the instructions 


of the Signory) the legislative Councils of the State 
as follows. The Captain summoned and presided 
over (1) the Council of the Hundred Men, (2) the 
Special Council of the Captain, (3) the General 
Council of the Captain. The Podesta summoned 
and presided over (1) his Special Council of ninety 
members, (2) his General Council of three hundred 
members. Legislative measures had to pass these 
Councils in the above-stated order in those cases in 
which the consent of all the Councils was necessary 
(see Villari, p. 227). Extraordinary and temporary 
Councils of " Wise Men " were also very fre- 
quently summoned by the Signory (see I. 21, n. 6). 
The Capitudini of the Greater Guilds took part in 
the proceedings of the Councils of the Captain, 
and, on important occasions, in those of the Podesta 

Finally, it is important to bear in mind that, as 
may be gathered from the above summary, the 
Florentine Commonwealth was essentially different 
from a democracy of modern times. The inhabi- 
tants of the outlying territory (Contado), as well as 
the smaller traders and populace of the city — what, 
in short, we should call the " working classes " — 
were entirely excluded from the rights of citizen- 
ship. "In fact," says Villari (p. 128), "even down 
to the last days of the republic, real citizenship, the 
possessors of which alone were eligible to political 
posts, was conceded to few ; and even in 1494 the 
number of citizens hardly exceeded three thou- 
sand." It may be mentioned that the whole 
population of Florence in 1300 has been estimated 
at about 30,000 (Salvemini, Magnati e Popolani, 

P- 43)- 

( 272 ) 


This translation is the joint work of Miss Else C. 
M. Benecke and Mr. A. G. Ferrers Howell. The 
notes and appendices are by Mr. A. G. Ferrers 
Howell, and are in the main founded on Del Lungo's 
ivork, " Dino Compagni e la sua Cronica " (Florence, 
Successori Le Monnier, 1879— 1887) : much help has 
also been derived from Gaetano Salvemini' s ii Magnati 
e Popolani in Firenze" (Florence, Carnesecchi, 1899). 
The translation has been made jrom the text of Del 
Lungo's smaller edition, " La cronica di Dino Com-' 
pagni, Edizione Scolastica " (Florence, Successori Le 
Monnier, 1902) ; except in one passage (see III. 18, 
n. 2), where the text of the larger edition has been 

The translators desire to express their sense of 
the great obligation they are under to the researches 
of Professor Del Lungo, and their gratitude to him 
for his permission freely to avail themselves of his 
invaluable labours. 


Inferno I. 124 
v. . 

v. 107, 140 
vi. 65, 66 
vi. 71 
vi. 74 
x. 82/: 
x. 120 
XIII. 118 
xiii. 143-15° 
xvi. 73 . 
xxiv. 125, 126, 143 
XXIV. 143-150 
xxv. 147 
xxv. 151 
xxvi. 1-3 
xxvii. 43-45 . 

XXVII. 46 

xxvii. 50 
xxvii. 78 
xxvii. 85-1 1 1 . 
xxviii. 35 

xxviii. 106-108 
XXX. 32 . 
XXXII. 69 
xxxiii. 85, 86 
xxxiii. 137^ 

Purgatorio v. 88 . 

vi. 133-135 
vi. 143, 144 
xiv. 17 
xiv. 55-66 
xiv. 118 
xx. 70-78 
xx. 79 
xx. 79, 80 
xx. 86-90 
xxiv. 82-8 




Paradiso I. 34 
,, xii. 124 

,, xv. 97 . 

XVI. 64, 65 
,, xvi. 93 . 
,- xvi. 94, 95 

XVI. 112-114 

xvi. 131, 132 

xvi. 136 

xvi. 154 

xxv. 17, ii 

XXV. 41 

xxx. 137 

XXX. 148 
Convivio I. 3 : 22 1 

11. 14:176^ 
11. 14: 177 
,, ill. 12 : 116 
IV. 3:40 
iv. 6 : 180 
,, iv. 23 : 130 
, , iv. 28 : 60-65 
De Vulgari Eloquentia I. 12 : 38 
I- i3 : 39 

II. 6 

Epistola 1. 26 

v. 99 . 
v. 102 . 
vi. 1-25 
vi. 30, 92 
VI. 102^ 


vii. 155-157 
IX. 19 . 
Vita Nuova xli. 46^ 











J 54 

X 52 

J 43 

2 59 





1 The references in the case of the Minor Works are to Dr. 
Moore's " Oxford Dante," 3rd edition. 


Book III. 2 

,, v. 9 

, . v. 37 

,, vi. 40 

,. vi. 43 

„ VI. 75 

,, VI. 82 

„ vii. 13-15, 17, 56 

,. vii. 79 

,, vii. no, 120, 124, 127 

,, vii. 124 

,, vii. 131 

,, vii. 132 

,, vii. 147 

,, vii. 149 

,, viii. 8 

,, viii. 26 

,, viii. 38 

,, viii. 39 

,, VIII. 41 

,, viii. 49 

,. viii. 53 

,, viii. 56 

,, viii. 59 

,, viii. 63 

,, viii. 69 

„ viii. 71 

,., viii. 72 

,, VIII. 82 

„ VIII. 89 

,, VIII. 96 

,, viii. 118-120 

,, IX. 7 . 
,, IX. II 

,, ix. 43 
,, XII. 10 

107, I 

J 9, 1 

. 182 
. IO8 


27, I3O 



• *34 

. 16 

• 19 

21, 27 

• 27 

• 83 
. 18 

• 34 
. 104 

• 73 
65, 211 

• 58 
22, 132, 137, 258 

• 143 
83. 158 


• 159 
171, 173, 178 

. 182 

83, 187, 190 

. 196 

• 203 
208, 211, 213 

. 248 

• 2 47 

• 250 



Abati (family), 136 
Acciajuoli (family), 138 
Accirrito of Gaville, 54 
Acquasparta, Cardinal of. See 

Porto, Cardinal of 
Adimari (family), 164, 211 
Adolphus of Nassau, 38 
Agli (family), 138, 257 
Aglione di Giova Aglioni, 115 
Agnolo di M. Guglielmino, 194, 196 
Aguglione or Aquilone (fortress), 

Alagna. See Anagni 
Albano, Cardinal of. 231, 233, 242 
Alberto di M. Jaeopo del Giudice, 

40. 97, 98 
Alberto, son ' of Donato di M. 

Alberto Ristori, 142 
Albert of Austria, 217 
Aldobrandini (family), 138 
Aldobrando of Cerreto, 132 
Aldruda, Madonna, 5, 6 
Altoviti (family), 138 
Ambra, valley of the, 203 
Amerigo of Narbonne, 17, 25, 26 
Amieri (family), 170 
Ammannato di Rota Beccanugi, 

121, 128, 129 
Amuniti or Ammuniti (family), 65, 

Anagni, 83, 157-159 
Ancisa (Incisa), 136, 138 
Andrea Gherardini, 72, 73 
Andrea of Cerreto.. 49, 97, 121, 132, 

145, 148 
Angelotti (family), 136 
Angiolieri (family), 65 
Annunziata (church), 188 
Antonio Brusciati, 171 
Antonio d'Orso (Bishop of Florence), 

214, 215 
Antonio of Fisiraga, Fostierato, or 

Foscieraco, 171, 223, 224 
Arezzo, 4, 14, 15, 23, 47, 143, 159, 

187, 201-203, 205 

Arezzo, siege of, in 1289, 26, 27 

Arezzo, siege of, in 1310, 248 

Armeggerie, 18 

Arno, 3, 4, 23, 256 

Arnolfo di Cambio, 104 

Arrigo della Tosa, 65 

Arriguccio di Lapo Arrighi, 40 

Arroti, 32 

Asti, 219-221 

Attaviano Cavalcanti, 256, 257 

Attaviano (Ottaviano) degli Ubal- 

dini, Cardinal, 147, 149 
Avignon, 205, 217 
Azzo VIII. (Marquis of Ferrara), 

151, 152, 200, 239; 241 

Badia, 12, 13 

Bagolesi (family), 142, 143 

Baldinaccio Adimari, 60, 136, 150, 

Baldo Aguglioni or d' Aguglione, 32 

39, 40, 52, 53, 132, 148 
Baldo dal Borgo, 45 
Baldo dell' Ammirato, 45 
Baldo della Tosa, 42, 64, 136, 163 
Baldo di M. Talano Tosinghi. 136 
Baldo Fini, 239 
Baldone Angelotti, 128, 133 
Baldo Ridolfi, 121, 124 
Baldo Ruffoli, 28 
Baldovino of Soppino, 16, 18 
Banchino di Giovanni, 49 
Bandino Falconieri, 96 
Bardellino de' Bardi, 63 
Bardi (family), 65, 113, 138, 164, 

Barnabas d'Oria, 235 
Barone Mangiadori, 23, 24 
Bartolo de' Bardi, 11, 61, 67, 68 
Bartolomeo, Friar, 238, 239 
Bartolo Orlandini, 49 
Baschiera della Tosa (Tosinghi), 60, 

64, 113, 116, 133, 150, 176, 177, 

Battifolle, 70 




Battifolle, Simone Count of, 69, 70 
Beatrice (daughter of Henry VII.), 

Beatrice of Provence, 18 
Beatrice Portinari, 70 
Beccheria (family), 233 
Beltrando of Poggetto, Cardinal, 

Benedict XI., 161, 162, 168, 171, 

182, 183, 190 
Benedict (Friar), 106 
Benevento, battle of, 10 
Bernardino of Polenta, 152 
Bernardo de' Rossi, 91 
Bernardo di Manfredi Adimari, 19, 

Berto Frescobaldi, 42, 64, 129, 135 
Bertrand de Got. See Clement V. 
Bertuccio de' Pulci, 139 
Betto Brunelleschi, 131, 138, 176, 

183. 204-206, 213. 246, 252, 254, 
255, 258 

Betto Gherardini, 136, 145, 146, 252 

Bibbiena, 20, 24, 26 

Biccicocco Donati, 255 

Biccio Franzesi, 83 

Biligiardo della Tosa, 64, 67, 136 

Bindello Adimari, 65 

Bindo Adimari, 120 

Bindo del Baschiera Tosinghi 25, 

Bingeri Tornaquinci, 167 
Bino de' Gabrielli, 194 
Bisdomini (family), 138 
Bisenzio (river), 174 
Black and White Guelfs, origin of 

the names, 70-73, 141 
Boccaccio Adimari, 180, 211 
Bologna, 4, 80, 144, 151, 152, 201, 

203, 239 
Boniface VIII., 6, 36, 38, 48, 57, 

59, 66, 79, 82, 83, 96, 98, 100, 

101, 125, 134, 142, 143, 157-159. 

164, 165, 190, 216, 254 
Bono of Ognano, Ser, 169 
Bordoni (family), 65, 115, 117, 138, 

164, 207, 208, 210. 258 
Borgo Rinaldi, 65, 138 
Borgo S. Lorenzo, 147, 149 
Bostichi (family), 124, 125, 138, 164 
Bounds, setting under, 9, 10, 138, 

Branca d'Oria, 234, 235 
Brescia siege of, 229-233 

Bruciati or Brusati (family), 232 
Brunetto Brunelleschi (?), 256, 257 
Buonaccorso degli Adimari, 8 
Buonconte of Montefeltro, 25 
Buondelmonte de' Buondelmonti 

(a.d. 1215), 5, 6, 33 
Buondelmonte de' Buondelmonti 

(a.d. 1300), 67 
Buondelmonti (family), 113, 138, 

170, 171, 210 
Buonuomini, 10 

Cafaggio, 185, 188 

Calendar, Florentine, 9 

Calenzano, 135, 137 

Calimala (Calimara), 178-180, 182 

Campaldino, battle of, 23-27, 133 

Campi, 172 

Cancellieri (family), 71-73 

Cante de' Gabrielli, 94, 95, 117, 122, 

187, 262 
Cantino di M. Amadore Cavalcanti, 

7i, 73 
Capitudine, -i, 267 
Captains of the Guelf Party, 85, 

87, 169, 171 
Captains of the War, 26 
Carbone de' Cerchi, 60, 66 
Carbone Gherardini, 67 
Carlettino de' Pazzi, 187 
Carlino de' Pazzi, 142 
Carlo Strozzi, 264 
Carmignano, 208, 209 
Carroccio, 241 
Casalmaggiore, 237 
Casentino, 22, 23, 203, 204 
Cassone della Torre (Archbishop of 

Milan), 225, 226 
Castel della Pieve, 60, 62 
Castel Tedaldo (fortress at Ferrara), 

239, 241 
Castiglione Aretino, 26, 153, 154 
Castiglione degli Ubertini, 153, 154 
Catalans. See Scherigli 
Catellina Raffacani, 109 
Catilina, 123, 130 
Cavalcabo (family), 227, 228 
Cavalcanti (family), 64, 164, 175, 

177, 178, 182, 184, 255, 257 
Cavallata, 27 
Ceccano. 157, 158 
Cecchino de' Bardi, 56 
Cece Canigiani, 103 
Ceffo de' Lamberti, 48, 49 



Cerchi (family), 54, 55, 57, 73, 86, 118 

Cerretani (family), 65, 132 

Charles I. of Anjou, King of Sicily, 

10, 18, 19, 95, 234, 235 
Charles II. (The Lame), 17-19, 125, 

193, 200, 217 
Charles of Valois, 6, 79-82, 87, 90, 

91, 94, 95, 105, 114, 116-121, 

123-125, 127, 134-137, 140, 141, 

191, 218 
Charles, Duke of Calabria, 251 
Chirico della Tosa, 148 
Chiusi, 23 

Cino of Pistoja, 200 
Cione Magalotti, 103 
Civitella ^fortress), 26 
Clement V., 190, 191, 194, 214, 215, 

231, 233, 250 
Colle di Valdelsa, 23 
" Colleges," 29, 31 
Colli g ani, 23, 243 
Colonna (family), 62, 66, 67, 79, 

161, 250 
Compostella, sanctuary of S. James 

at, 56, 59 
Conrad the Salic, 7 
Conrad III., 7 
Conradin, 18 

Contado of Florence, v., 22, 23, 271 
Conti of Gangalandi (family), 136 
Corazza Ubaldini of Signa, 83, 84, 

100, 101, 103, 136, 150 
Corbizzi (family), 118, 119 
Corso (street in Florence), 179, 180, 

Corso degli Adimari (street in 

Florence), 178, 180, 182 
Corso di M. Forese Adimari, 136 
Corso Donati, 22-24, 44> 46, 54> 

56, 57, 59, 60, 66, 70, 117, 118, 

123, 138, 155, 156, 162-166, 176, 

183, 187, 202, 204, 206, 213, 255, 

256, 258 
Corteccione Bostichi, 124, 125 
Corte delle Badesse, 181 
Councils, legislative, at Florence, 

Courtrai, battle of, 158 
Cremona, 227-230, 236, 237 

Dante Alighieri, 27, 62, 83, 102, 

136, 146 
Dauphin of Vienne, 225, 226 
Delia Torre (family), 221, 223, 226 

Della Tosa (family). See Tosinghi 

Delle Botte (family), 65 

Diego de la Rat (Marshal of King 

Charles II. and King Robert), 

196, 209, 212, 243, 245 
Dino Compagni, 11, 19, 20, 33, 39, 

40, 60, 61, 68, 69, 84, 85, 91-94, 

97, 99, 100, 103-107, 114, 121, 

Dino di Giovanni (Pecora), 19, 37,. 

50, 65 
Donati (family), 54, 124, 164, 256, 

Donato di M. Alberto Restori, 32, 

55, 90, 128, 129, 136, 142, 148, 

Donato Finiguerri (son of Fini- 

guerra Diedati), 136, 145, 146 
Duccio di Gherardino Magalotti, 121 
Durazzo de' Vecchietti, 20, 21 

Edward I. of England, 18 
Elders of Pistoja, 71, 73 
Executor of the Ordinances 
Justice, 209 


Faenza, 152 

Falconieri (family), 65 

Fazio of Signa, 132 

Jederigo of Montefeltro, Count, 152 

Federigo Maggi (Bishop of Brescia), 

Feditori (feritori), 27 
Ferrara, 239 
Fiamengo di Lando (Imperial Vicar 

in Pavia), 233, 238 
Fieschi, Cardinal (M. dal Fiesco), 

159, 231, 233, 250 
Fifanti (family). See Bagolesi 
Fighine, 4, 160 
Filippone, Count of Langosco, 221- 

224, 233, 237, 238 
Florence, description of, 3, 4 ; walls 

and gates of, 116, 119 
Florin, gold, value of, 63 
Folcieri of Calvoli (Fulcieri of 

Calboli), Podesta of Florence, 

147-149, 252, 256 
Forese degli Adimari, 8, 10 
Forli, 142, 143, 152, 170, 171, 201 
Francesco of Este, 239 
Francesco Orsini, Cardinal, 157, 233 
Frederick II., Emperor, 17, 215, 




Frederick of Aragon, King of Sicily, 

79. 80 
Frescobaldi (family), 137, 138, 167, 

Frescobaldi (palace), 94, 96 
Frescobaldi (piazza), 55 
Fuceccbio, siege of, 133, 134 

Galeazzo Visconti, 2-25, 232, 236 

Galerano. See Waleran 

Galigai (family), 32, 33 

Gangalandesi, 185, 188 

Gangalandi (village), 188 

Ganghereto, 160 

Gargosa or Gargonza, 203 

Gaville, 57, 58 

Genoa, 234, 235 

Gentile de' Cerchi, 60 

Gentile of Mcntefiore, Cardinal, 99, 

100, 102 
Geri Paganetti, 49 
Geri Rossoni, 124 
Geri Spini, 60, 65, 67, 128, 138, 140, 

15^, 173, 176, 183, 204-206, 252, 

Gherardini (family), 113, 145, 167, 

170, 184 
Gherardino Diedati, 145, 146 
Gherardo Bordoni, 211, 258 
Gberardo Bostichi, 239, 242, 243 
Gherardo Buondelmonti, 210 
Gherardo Lupicini, 49 
Gherardo Sgrana degli Adimari, 65 
Gherardo Ventraia de' Tornaquinci, 

65, 252 
Gherarduccio Buondelmonti, 115, 

Ghibelline, origin and meaning of 

the name, 7 
Ghiberto (Giberto) of Correggio, 

200, 201, 235-238 
Ghisenzio of Gubbio, 156 
Giachinotto de' Pazzi, 60 
Gian di Celona (Jean de Chalon), 36, 

38, 47, 49 
Giandonati (family), 164 
Gianfigliazzi (family), 138 
Gianni Schicchi de' Cavalcanti, 68 
Giano della Bella, 28-31, 34, 36, 

47, 49-51, 71 
Giano di Vieri Cerchi, 135, 137 
Giano of Lucino (Podesta of 

Florence), 44, 45 
Giovangiacotto Malispini, 136 

Giovanni de' Cerchi, 176 
Giovanni Rustichelli, 131,1132 
Giovanni Villani, 107 
j Giudice, explanation of the word, 

Goccia Adimari, 64, 120, 135, 136 
Gonfalonier of Justice, office of 

instituted, 28 
Gonfaloniers of the Companies. See 

Militia of the City 
Gottifredi, son of Rosso della Tosa, 

253. 254 
Guastalla, 237 

" Guasto " at Milan, 225, 226 
Guccio Marignolli, 84 
Guelf, origin and meaning of the 

name, 7 
Guelf Party, organisation of, 10, 87 
Guelfs, White and Black, origin of 

the names, 70-73 
Guglielmino degli Ubertini, Bishop 

of Arezzo, 15, 16, 19, 20, 24, 25 
Guglielmino Spini, 211 
Guglielmo, M. (Chancellor of Charles 

of Valois), 87, 114 
Guglielmo de' Maggi, 48 
Guglielmo de' Pazzi di Valdarno. 

20, 25 
Guidi, Counts, 57 
Guido Cavalcanti, 56, 57, 59, 60, 

62, 64, 68 
Guido Novello, Count (a.d. 1267), 

8, 10, 134 
Guido Novello, Count (a.d. 1289), 

25, 27, 70 
Guido Scimia Cavalcanti, 67 
Guidotto de' Bugni, 171 
Guidotto (Guido) della Torre, 220- 

222, 225, 226, 236, 237 
Guild of Lawyers {Giudici e Notai), 

Guilds of Florence, 267-269 

Henry VII., Emperor, 216-238, 
240, 244-251, 259, 263 

Henry of Flanders (Marshal of 
Henry VII.), 225, 226 

Henry the Proud, Duke of Ba- 
varia, 7 

Hugh, Margrave of Tuscany, 13 

Incisa. See Ancisa 

Innocent IV., 149 

" Iron crown," 222, 223 



Jacopo Colonna, Cardinal, 158 
Jacopo Guatani (Gaetani), 66, 67 
Jacopo of Certaldo, 19, 148 
John, King of Bohemia, 222, 223 
John of Ceccano, 158 
John, Prince of Taranto, 249-251 
Justice, administration of ; at 
Florence, 13, 21, 270 

Knighthood, by whom it might be 
conferred, 21 

La Crock a Gorgo, 211 

La Faggiuola (fortress), 143 

La Lastra, 153, 184 

Lamberti (family), 49, 136, 142 

Lambertuccio Frescobaldi, 186 

Lamone (river), 146 

Lapo Arrighi, sons of, 136 

Lapo del Biondo, 136 

Lapo del Pace Angiolieri, 84 

Lapo di Guazza Ulivieri (Lapo 

Guazza), 69, 138 
Lapo di M. Azzolino degli Uberti 

176, 177 
Lapo Falconieri, 103 
Lapo Ricovero, 169 
Lapo Salterelli, 55, 58, 64, 67, 96, 

98, 118, 128-130, 136 
La Sambuca (fortress), 193 
Laterina (fortress), 26 153. 154, 

Latino Malabranca, Cardinal, 9, 

Lausanne, 247 

Le Stinche (fortress), 181, 182 
Liege, Bishop of, 242 
Lippo del Velluto, 49 
Lippo de' Vergellesi, 198, 200 
Lippo di Falco Cambio, 84 
Loccio of Montefeltri, 25 
Lombardy, 203 

Lotteringo Gherardini, 167, 168 
Lotteringo of Montespertoli, 97 
Lottieri della Tosa (Bishop of 

Florence), 163, 165, 169, 214 
Lotto del Migliore Guadagni, 49 
Louis of Savoy, 244-248, 250 
Lucardesi (family), 164, 184, 257 
Lucca, 4 
Lumiere, 182 
Lunigiana, 244, 245 
Lyons, 190 

Macci (family), 181 

Maffeo de' Maggi (di Maggio), 229, 

Maffeo Visconti, 220-222, 225, 226 
Magalotti (family), 34, 46, 138, 186, 

Maggi (family), 232 
Magistrates, meaning of the term, 35 
Magistrates, their functions, 269, 270 
Magnates, v 

Magnates, statutory, 31 
Mainardo (Maghinardo) Pagani of 

Susinana, 17, 18, 23, 94, 140 
Mainz, Peter Aichspalt, Archbishop 

of, 218 
Malaspina (Malespini) (family), 244, 

Malatestino Malatesta, 94, 95 
Malpiglio Ciccione, 23 
Manetto Scali, 64, 85, 112, 129, 

Manfred, King, 10 
Manfredi di Beccheria, 223, 224 
Mangona (fortress), 135, 137 
Manieri (family), 64, 138, 164 
Manno Attaviani, 138 
Manzuolo, 65 
March of Ancona, 16 ; Marquis of 

the, 201, 203 
Margaret of Brabant, Empress, 202. 

222, 234, 235 
Marius, 78, 79 
Martino della Torre, 171 
Maruccio Cavalcanti, 176, 181 
Mary of Brabant, Countess of Savoy, 

Masino Cavalcanti, 136, 145, 252, 

Maso Minerbetti, 83, 84, 99, 100, 102 
Massa Trebara, 66 
Master (title), 120 
Matteo Biliotti, 40 
Matteo Rosso Orsini, Cardinal, 191 
Matthew of Acquasparta. See Porto, 

Cardinal of 
Medici (family), 109, in, 112, 178, 

Men-at-arms, 27 
Messer (title), 7 
Mestieri d'Arii, 91 
Migliorelli (family), 136, 142 
Milan, 220-226 
Militia of the City, 27, 129, 130, 169, 

171, 174. 195, 211 



Militia of the Contado, 62, in, 115, 

188, 193, 196 
Modena, 200 
Monaldi (family), 138 
Monfiorito of Padua (Podesta of 

Florence), 51-53 
Montalcino (fortress). 153, 154 
Montale (fortress), 140, 141 
Monte Accenico (fortress), 4, 147- 

149, 153. 170 
Monte a San Savino (fortress), 153, 


Monte di Sotto, 208, 209 

Montevarchi, 153, 154 

Monza, 222, 223 

Moro ello Malaspina (Marquis), 141, 

153, 154, 197 
Mosca, 7 

jMosca della Torre, 225, 226 
Mozzi (family), 64, 113, 176, 178 
Mucciatto (Musciatto) Franzesi, 82, 

83, 114, 158 
Muccio of Biserno, 135 
Mugello (upper valley of the Sieve) , 

81, 144, 147 
Murlo, 23 

Naldo Gherardini, 61, 64, 67, 

136, 176 
Nanni Ruff oh, 148 
Napoleone Orsini, Cardinal, 158, 

197-199, 201-205, 215, 254 
' Neighbours," 108 
Nepo della Tosa, 65 
Neri Abati, Ser, 179, 180 
Neri di M. Jacopo Ardinghelli, 121 
Neri Giandonati, 85 
Neri of Gaville, 54, 58, 136 
Neri of Lucardo, 166 
•Nerli (family), 138 
Nerlo Adimari, 148 
Nero Cambi, 60, 66, 138 
Nerone Cavalcanti, 179 
New Market (Mercato nuovo), 179, 

180, 256 
Niccola Acciaioli, 52, 53, 148 
Niccola de 5 Cerchi, 258 
Niccolo Bonsignore (wrongly called 

Salimbene), 226 
Nicholas III., 199 
Nicholas IV., 17, 18, 199 
Nobles, feudal, 4, 245 
Noffo di Guido Bonafedi (Noffo 

Guidi), 40, 101-104, 138 

Nuccio Galigai, 136 
Nuto Marignolli, 36, 128 

Obizzino Spinola, 234, 235 

Oderigo Giantruffetti, 5 

Ognano (S. Stefano a Ugnano), 117, 

Ognissanti (church), 37, 39 
Ognissanti (suburb of Florence), 180 
Old Bridge (Ponte Vecchio) at 

Florence, 179 
Old Market (Mercato Vecchio) at 

Florence, 178, 179, 182 
Olmo a Mezzano, 174 
Oltrarno (Sesto), 95, 107, 114, 119, 

176, 210 
Ombroncello (river), 81 
Ombrone (river), 81 
Ordelaffi (family), 143 
Ordinances of Justice, 29-32, 43, 

46, 50, 51, 97, 99, 103, 107, 113 

156, 207, 209 
Orlandini (family), 65 
Orlando of Chiusi, 22 
Orlanduccio Orlandi, 109, 111, 136 
Orsini (family), 250, 251 
Orso degli Orsini, 239 
Orto (Podere) degli Ubaldini, 144, 

Orto S. Michele (piazza), 179, 180, 

Orvieto, 16 
Ostia, Cardinal of. See Prato, 

Cardinal of 
Ostina (fortress), 181, 182 

Pacino Peruzzi, 50 

Paffiera Cavalcanti, 255, 256 

Pagno Bordoni, 19 

Palazzolo, mountains of, 203 

Polio, 18 

Palla Anselmi, 138 

Pallavicino, Marquis, 236 

Palmieri di M. Ugo Altoviti, 39, 

40, 69 
Palugiano (fortress), 140, 141 
Palvesi or Pavesi, 27 
Paniccia degli Erri, 135 
" Parliament," 222, 224 
Parma, 200, 236, 237 
Pavia, 220, 221, 233, 238 
Pazzi (family), 54, 167, 186, 256, 




Pazzi of Valdarno (family), 15, 16, 

Pazzino de' Pazzi, 60, 65, 67, 97, 

98, 138, 140, 155, 176, 183, 206, 

2io, 213, 252, 255-258 
Pecora. See Dino di Giovanni 
Pelagru, Cardinal, 238-240, 250, 251 
f People," meaning of the term, 12,15 
Perugia, 178, 182, 183 
Peruzzi (family), 138 
Petracco, Ser, di Ser Parenzo of 

Ancisa, 136, 138, 169 
Philip IV. (King of France), 83, 

137. 157, 158, 190, 215, 216, 239 
Philip of Savoy, 238 
Pian di Sco, 142 
Piantrevigne (fortress), 143 
Piero Brandini, 84 
Piero Cane of Milan, 36 
Piero Ferrante of Languedoc, 134 
Piero Manzuolo, 52 
Piero Spini, 63, 64, 211 
Pietro Colonna, Cardinal, 158 
Piggello de' Conti, 176 
Pinaccio, '210 

Pinode'Rossi, 239, 242, 243, 255-257 
Pino of Signa, 40 
Pinuccio (Pino) della Tosa, 65, 253, 

Pisa, 4, 192, 245-247 
Pistoja 4, 81, 140, 144, 153, 170, 

172, 173, 187, 208 
Pistoja. siege of, 74, 75, 191-200 
Poggibonsi, 4, 90, 92, 124 
Poggio S. Cecilia (fortress), 16 
Pontassieve, 23 

Popolani (popolo grasso), v "', 

Popolo minuto, v 

Por (Porta) S. Piero, Sesto of, 119 
Porco Manieri, 60, 67 
Porta S. Maria (part of Florence), 

Porto, Cardinal of (Matthew of 

Acquasparta), 59-62, 132, 215 
Prato, 4, 162, 172-176 
Prato, Nicholas Cardinal of, 161, 

162, 165, 168-178, 187, 191, 194, 

197, 215, 218, 231, 233, 239, 241, 

Pratomagno, 23 
Priors, institution of, 11, 12 
Provosts of the Companies, 130 
Pulci (family), 129, 130, 138 
Puliciano, 147 

Quaratesi (family), 178 

Ramondo dal Gotto. See Cle 

ment V. 
'" Reformations," 136, 138 
Reggio, 200, 236 
Reggiolo, 242 
Riccardino, son of Filippone Coun 

of Langosco, 233 
Ricco di Ser Compagno degl 

Albizzi, 121 
Ricoverino de' Cerchi, 63 
Rieti, 18 

Riminingo (fortress), 228, 229 
Rinaldeschi (family), 136 
Rinaldo de' Bostoli, 22 
Rinieri Buondelmonti (Podesta c 

Cremona), 228 
Rinieri Lucardesi, 181 
Rinuccio di Senno Rinucci, 124, 17 
Robert, Duke of Calabria (aftei 

wards King of Apulia), 193, 19,; 

196, 217, 219, 220, 248-251 
Roger, Master, 119 
Rondine (fortress), 26 
Rossellino della Tosa, 60, 163, 179 
Rossi (family), 65, 124, 138, 16/ 

210, 257 
Rosso Bacherelli, 12 
Rosso dello Strozza, 93 
Rosso della Tosa, 60, 64, 65, 6 

113, 128, 138, 150, 155, 162-16 

169-171, 173-178, 180, 183, 20 

207, 209, 210, 213, 214, 252, 25 

Rucellai (family), 138 
Ruff oh (family), 65, 136 
Ruggieri of Cuona, 19 

Sabina, Arnaut Fauger, Cardin 

of, 233, 251 
Salinguerra Torelli, 152 
Salvi del Chiaro Girolami, 11, 65, 1 
S. Bernard, chapel of, 103, 104 
S. Brancazio or Pancrazio (gate 

115, n6 
S. Brancazio (Sesto), 119 
S. Domenico (monastery), 186 
S. Donnino (fortress), 236, 237 
S. Gallo (suburb of Florence), 18 

188, 240 
S. Giovanni (church), 22, 92 
S. Giovanni Laterano (church), 25 




S. Godenzo, 145 

S. Louis, King of France, 119, 120 

S. Marco (church), T85, 188 

S. Miniato al Tedesco ; 4, 18, 48, 49 

S. Piero Maggiore (piazza), 210 

S. Piero Scheraggio Cchurch), 179, 

S. Procolo (church), 12 
S. Salvi (abbey), 212, 213 
S. Sepolcro (village), 124, 125 
S. Spirito (monastery), 198, 199 
S. Stefano (monastery), 168 
Santa Croce (monastery), 85, 256, 

Santa Maria Novella (monastery 

and piazza), 95, 105, 169 
Santa Reparata (church), 186, 188 
Santa Trinita (church), meeting in, 

66, 67 
Santerno (river), 144, 146 
Sarezzano (Sarzana), 61, 62, 68 
Sassetti (family), 179 
Sasso of Murlo, 22 
Savoy, Amadeus V. Count of, 219, 

220, 224 
Saw (sega) (tax), 195 
Scali (family), 112, 257 
Scambrilla, 207, 208 
Scampolino, 57 
Scarpetta degli Ordelaffi, 142, 143 

Schengli (Catalan troops), 207, 209, 

210, 212 
Schiatta Amati de' Cancellieri, 72, 

73. 75. 76, 106, no, 118, 139, 140 
Sciarra (Jacopo) Colonna, 157-159 
Scolari (family), 136, 142, 148, 184 
Security to be given by Magnates, 

30, 31 
Segna Angiolini, 103 
Selvaggia de' Vergellesi, 200 
Senate of Rome, 249, 250 
Senio (river), 146 
Ser (title), 42 
Serravalle, 140, 141 
Sesti (Sestieri) of Florence, 13 
Sicilian vespers, 18 
Siena, 4, 87, 142, 159, 181, 244 
Siena, arms of, 143 
Sieve (river), 23 
Signory, 30. 269 
Signory, residence of the, 104 
Simone Cancellieri of Pantano, 72, 

73, 76, 135 

Simone de' Bardi, 69, 70 
Simone della Tosa, 253, 257 
Simone Donati, 56, 258 
Simone Galastrone, 44 
Simone Gherardi, 60, 100 
Simone Gherardini, 138 
Sinibaldo Donati, 60, 67 
Soldanieri (family), 136 
Sovramonte degli Amati, 227-229 
Spadai, gate of the, 185, 188, 190 
Spini (family), 60, 66, 86, 112, 167 
Squarcialupi (family), 23 
Standard, royal, of Anjou, 17, 19 
Strozzi (familv), 138 
Sulla, 78, 79 
Susa, 219 
" Sworn clerks," 120 

Tajo di M. Ridolfo, 208 

Talano Adimari, 25 

Taldo della Bella, 44 

Tebaldini (family), 136 

Tebaldo of Montelupone (Podesta of 

Florence), 109, no, 112, 116, 117 
Tedaldi (family), 136 
Tedice Adimari, 211 
Tedice Manovelli, 121 
Tegghia Finiguerri (son of Fini- 

guerra Diedati), 136, 145, 146 
Teghiajo Frescobaldi, 252 
Testa Tornaquinci, T67, 257 
Tibaldo Bruciati (Tebaldo Brus- 

ciati), 171, 229, 230, 232, 237, 238 
Tignoso de' Macci, 136, 145 
Tolosato degli Uberti, 144, 146, 159, 

170, 171, 173. 184, 187, 191, 194 
Tornmaso de' Mozzi, 61, 63 
Tornaquinci (family), 65, 115, 116, 

124, 138, 164, 166, 167, 211 
Torre della Castagna, 12, 13 
Torrigiano de' Cerchi, 60, 66, 108, 

109, 127 
Tosinghi or Delia Tosa (family), 

17, 37, 38. 62, 65, 17S 
Tower clubs, 108 
Treviso, 209 

Trier, Baldwin of Luxemburg, Arch- 
bishop of, 216, 218, 224 

Uealdini (family), 144-146, 149 
Ubaldino Malavolti, 82, 83 
Uberti (family), 6. 9, 15, 104, 136, 
144, 170, 171, 177 



Ubertini (family), 15, 16, 48, 58, 

Ubertino dello Strozza, 32, 169 
Ubertino, friar, 204 
Uccellini (family), 138 
Ugolino Rossi of Parma, 26 
Ugo Tornaquinci, 71 
Uguccione of La Faggiuola, 57, 142, 

143, 154, 205, 206 

Vacchereccia (part of Florence), 

Valdarno (valley of the Arno), 23, 

Val di Chiana (valley of the Chiana), 

23, 153 203 
Val di Pesa, 184 
Val di Sieve, 256, 257 

Vanni de' Mozzi, 136 

Vannuccio Buonconti, 144, 146 

Vermiglio di J acopo Alf ani, 84 ( 

Verona, 231 

Viandana. 237 

Vieri de' Cerchi, 19, 25, 36, 56, 5$ 

Vieri di Ricovero de' Cerchi, 66 
Vieri Scali, 136 

Villani (irregular troops), 27, 109 fj 
Visconti (family), 224, 226 *i 

Waleran (brother of Henry VTI.ff 
224, 231 i, 

Willa, Countess, 13 
William MarlesfieW, 161, 162 
William of Durfort, 19 £; 

William of Nogaret, 158 


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